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Response From Migrant Worker Communities  and Migrant Rights’ Civil Society Organizations With Regards To Ongoing Raids on Undocumented Migrants in Malaysia

4 July 2018   In response to the ongoing enforcement operations on undocumented migrant workers by the Immigration Department of Malaysia and as per press release (31 May 2018) by the Home Affairs Minister of Malaysia, YB Tan Sri Muhyiddin Haji Mohd Yassin, of the new Pakatan Harapan government, we the migrant community and CSOs concerned about migrants’ rights in Malaysia are very concerned about the future of migrants in the country. The directives in the press statement fails again to address the root causes of the issues and do not provide enough time for proper discussions and analysis for just remedies which need to be holistic, comprehensive and be based on ILO Conventions and fundamental Human Rights principles. These concerns also cover refugees, asylum seekers and stateless communities, who are also at risks of being detained during this new enforcement operations.   How Migrants Become Undocumented   Many of the migrants the Malaysian Government has labelled “Illegal” (or in more humane terms “undocumented”) attain that status due to no fault of their own. Some of these reasons include:  

  1. Trafficking: Malaysia’s history as a human trafficking hub is well documented by civil society and even reflected in Government data. Recent revelations regarding a large and politically well-connected trafficking syndicate, as well as Malaysia’s downgrade to Tier 2 Watch List of the US State Department’s Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report further reinforces our fears of the prevalent and possibly even systemic existence of trafficking networks within Malaysia. We must never punish migrants who became victims of trafficking to Malaysia, as their circumstances are beyond their control. Criminalizing victims and survivors is not the way to go; we should instead be going after the syndicates and those responsible.
  2. Deception: Agents have a history of giving false advice and promises regarding the process of getting permits and jobs in Malaysia. Some migrants have low literacy levels, making them susceptible to fraud and deception, and even literate migrant workers become possible victims of fraud and unjust treatment by both recruiters and employers. Recruiters promise work permits and good employment contracts with decent wages and conditions. Upon arrival, however, these workers often find that not only have their contracts, employment sites, and terms and conditions been changed, but that they may have also violated Malaysian immigration laws. For most workers there is little access to justice or right to redress mechanisms in proving the fraud and deception.
  3. Rehiring: The rehiring process is lengthy and non-transparent, and the subcontractors and sub-agents of rehiring face little accountability. It is a privatized process driven by profiteering motifs, fraud and deception. For example, workers are not given receipts of rehiring payments and many agents cheat workers, taking their money but not providing e-cards. There is no adequate redress mechanism that can investigate and track these agents. While we welcome the cancellation of problematic rehiring contractors, we are afraid that workers in the midst of registration may be again victimized by this move.
  4. Renewal: The migrant working visa renewal process is equally riddled with cheating, a lack of transparency and little accountability by agents and employers. Most migrants have little idea of how this opaque process works. Passports are often illegally held by employers and whether their visas are renewed or not is out of the beyond the worker’s control.
  5. Employer bondage and exploitation: The past Malaysian Government’s hiring policy , which now needs to be reviewed by the new government, requires an employer’s consent to for workers to change employers. This inflexibility is particularly problematic in cases of exploitation, intimidation and physical violence where workers have no choice but to abscond and become undocumented. This is exacerbated where workers’ passports have been illegally retained. This system, which resembles the widely-criticised kafala system practiced in Gulf countries, provides little option to seek redress for workers in this situation, particularly with the overhanging threat of deportation.
  6. Amnesty blacklisting: The 3 + 1 amnesty program, which blacklists workers for five (5) years, further discourages them from using the amnesty system and thus forces them to become undocumented.
  7. Accountability: The complex commercial chains of private outsourcing companies and agents that govern migrant workers’ affairs activities render them largely unaccountable. Companies and agents often deny or neglect their responsibility for their workers, and many migrant workers become undocumented because of the irresponsibility of these companies and agents.
  8. Border enforcement: Documented corruption and inefficiency within border enforcement agencies add to the problems faced by migrant workers, benefitting from the activities of the accountable recruitment industry and providing little relief or assistance when things go wrong.
  9. Recruitment debt: Many migrant workers believe the promises made to them in countries of origin by agents and employers, borrowing huge sums from syndicates and moneylenders to finance the initial migration costs. This debt bondage is exacerbated by the illegitimate substitution of contract terms, arbitrarily driving down wages and conditions and imposing unaccountable wage deductions, making repayment increasingly difficult. Sending people home in such circumstances is putting many workers at risk, and this needs to be clearly addressed.
  To ensure that all labour migration matters are handled in a way that gives dignity and respect to migrant workers, we demand an holistic solution based on the following recommendations:  
  1. An immediate moratorium on raids/enforcement operation “Ops Mega 3.0” to ensure no workers are punished for crimes which are not of their fault. These raids and operations should be suspended while a holistic assessment of all the issues and potential comprehensive solutions are undertaken with all stakeholders with regard to labour migration.
 
  1. That the Government makes available its Standard Operating Procedure for conducting raids and detaining undocumented migrant workers, so that human rights and civil society organisations can ensure fundamental rights are protected and due process guaranteed.
 
  1. To decriminalize the “undocumented” status of workers (which is an administrative offence), and recognize that becoming undocumented is primarily an outcome of labour exploitation. This is especially relevant for vulnerable groups like women and child migrant workers, who face additional layers of exploitation which leads to them being undocumented and victims of forced labour and trafficking.
 
  1. That the Committee for Institutional Reforms facilitates safe dialogue spaces between the Government of Malaysia and migrant communities and other relevant stakeholders and social actors to propose evidence-based solutions. Such solutions must be based on clear verified labour market data (for example from the Institute of Labour Market Information and Analysis, employer organizations and other sound economic analysis) and base its solutions on fundamental Human Rights and Decent Work principles. The involvement of the International Labour Organisation would be advisable in this respect.
 
  1. To facilitate the overhaul and expansion of Government-to-Government hiring mechanisms as the primary means by which workers are recruited in Malaysia in a manner that is transparent and accountable as well as evidence- and rights-based.
 
  1. More time must be given to migrant workers to process and secure their working visa status and make decisions on their working status in Malaysia. Unrealistic deadlines force workers to risk going underground, collaborating with exploitative actors within the labour supply chain, driving criminality and other high-risk activities.
 
  1. The Government should stop blacklisting migrant workers who use the 3 + 1 Amnesty Program, an action which only discourages its use. The program should be conducted exclusively by the Immigration Department to avoid levying excessive charges on already-struggling workers and discourage profiteering.
 
  1. The Government must ensure all migrants have access to justice and the right to redress, including when they are caught and detained. This due diligence must be practiced by enforcement agencies and the judiciary to ensure accused migrants have a fair trial and a chance to defend themselves. Migrants must have guaranteed access to legal aid from the National Legal Aid Foundation to achieve these goals.
  Migrant workers play a huge part in securing economic growth for Malaysia and will still be needed in years to come by various industries. The Government must play a more active role in educating the Malaysian people that migrant workers are not their enemies or the cause of their own financial or employment problems.   Migrants are here because the Malaysian government, employers in formal and informal sectors and agents opened spaces for their work. So how can migrants be ‘illegal’? No person is illegal. We have always been keen to discuss these matters with all appropriate authorities to find the best solutions. This is a good time for the new Government to take stock of what the real situation is and what determine what possible solutions might be, before taking any actions.   Accordingly, migrant communities and CSOs concerned about migrants’ rights request an urgent meeting with the Minister of Home Affairs and Minister of Human Resource to discuss and propose  comprehensive, rights-based solutions on these and related issues.   Endorsed by
  1. Asosasyon ng mga Makabayang Manggagawang Pilipino Overseas(AMMPO),Philippines/Malaysia
  2. Sentro ng mga Nagkakaisa at Progresibong Manggagawa (SENTRO),Philippines
  3. SERANTAU,Indonesia/Malaysia
  4. Building and Wood Workers’ International Asia-Pacific
  5. GEFONT Support Group,Nepal/Malaysia
  6. Pravasi Nepali Coordination Committee (PNCC, Nepal/Malaysia
  7. Myanmar Migrants Rights Centre (MMRC),Myanmar/Malaysia
  8. Muglan-Migants Advisor, Nepal/Malaysia
  9. Serikat Buruh Migran Indonesia(SBMI) , Indonesia
  10. Nepalese People Progresive Forum, Nepal/Malaysia
  11. Tenaganita,Malaysia
  12. Migrant 88
  13. Penang Stop Human Trafficking Campaign,Malaysia
  14. Persatuan Sahabat Wanita Selangor(PSWS), Malaysia
  15. Committee of Asian Women (CAW)
  16. North South Initiative (NSI), Malaysia
  17. Suara Rakyat Malaysia, Malaysia ,Malaysia
  18. Pusat Komas
  19. Bangladesh Institute of Labour Studies, Bangladesh
  20. Workers Hub For Change(WH4C),Malaysia
  21. People Forum for Human Rights(People Forum),Kathmandu, Nepal
  22. Center for Migrant Advocacy, Philippines (CMA-Phils),Philippines
  23. The People’s Coalition for Fisheries Justice (KIARA),Indonesia
  24. SEAFish for Justice ,Indonesia
  25. Health Equity Initiatives (HEI)
  26. Asian Network for Social & Agricultural Development (SANSAD)
  27. Coalition of Cambodian Farmers Community Association (CCFC),Cambodia
  28. Community Development Services (CDS), Colombo, Sri Lanka
  29. Adaleh Center for Human Rights Studies, Jordan
  30. Association for Community Development (ACD), Bangladesh
  31. Think Centre, Singapore
  32. Dibashram (Migrant Workers Cultural Centre), Singapore
  33. Burmese Worker Circle, Fort Wayne, Indiana, USA
  34. Tahanang Filipino Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
  35. Institute of Education Development, Social, Religious and Cultural Studies (infest) Yogyakarta, Indonesia
  36. Migrant CARE Indonesia
  37. Migrant CARE Malaysia
  38. New Thessalonian Apostolate (NTA), Malaysia
  39. PieceWorks International
  40. Projek Dialog, Malaysia
  41. Persatuan Kesedaran Komuniti Selangor (EMPOWER) ,Malaysia
  42. Pertubuhan Pembangunan Kebajikan Dan Persekitaran Positif Malaysia (SEED),Malaysia
  43. Radanar Ayar Association,Myanmar
  44. Asia Transnational Corporation Monitoring Network(ATNC)
  45. Workers Initiative Kolkata, India
  46. Asia Monitor Resources Centre (AMRC)
  47. Konfederasi Serikat Nasional(KSN), Indonesia
  48. Federation of Indonesian Trade Union(GSBI),Indonesia
  49. Sedane Labour Resource Centre, Indonesia
  50. Center for Alliance of Labour and Human Rights (CENTRAL),Cambodia
  51. Parti Sosialis Malaysia(PSM), Malaysia
  52. International Domestic Workers Federation(IDWF)
  53. Textile Garments Workers Federation, Bangladesh
  54. Australia Asia Workers Links, Australia
  55. Asia Floor Wage Alliance (AFWA)
  56. Serikat Buruh Kerakyatan (SERBUK),Indonesia
  57. Angkatan Peduli Insan, Malaysia
  58. Jaringan Rakyat Tertindas (JERIT), Malaysia
  59. Seksualiti Merdeka, Malaysia
  60. Arts For Grabs, Malaysia
  61. Archdiocesan Office of Human Development, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
  62. Geutanyoe Foundation
  63. Bhalobashi Bangladesh, Bangladesh
  64. Myanmar Ethnic Rohingya Human Rights Organization Malaysia (MERHROM), Malaysia
  65. SAVE Rivers, Malaysia
  66. Harmonyworks, Malaysia
  67. The Society for the Promotion of Human Rights (Proham), Malaysia
  68. Justice For Sisters, Malaysia
  69. Women’s Aid Organization (WAO), Malaysia
  70. Parti Murba, Malaysia
  71. Kuliah Buku (KUBU), Malaysia
  72. Smile Education and Development Foundation, Myanmar
  73. Aliran Kesedaran Negara(ALIRAN), Malaysia
  74. Community Transformation Initiative (CTI), Malaysia
  75. Monitoring Sustainability of Globalisation (MSN), Malaysia
  76. Hope Organization, Malaysia
  77. Advocates for Non-Discrimination and Access to Knowledge (ANAK), Malaysia
  78. Gusdurian Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
  79. International Planned Parenthood Federation
  80. International Movement of Catholic Students (IMCS) Asia Pacific
  81. Civil Rights Committee of the Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall, Malaysia
  82. Malaysia Muda, Malaysia
  83. Malaysian Progressives in Australia
  84. VajraLink, Malaysia
  85. Electronics Industry Employees Union Southern Region, Malaysia
  86. Coordination of Action Research on AIDS and Mobility (CARAM)
  87. GreenWatch, Dhaka, Malaysian
  88. Human Traficking Watch, Indonesia
  89. Gabungan Serikat Buruh Indonesia(GSBI), Indonesia
  90. Front Perjuangan Rakyat (FPR)
  91. International League of Peoples’ Struggle(ILPS) Indonesia,
  92. Keluarga Buruh Migran Indonesia( KABAR BUMI), Indonesia
  93. Institute for National and Democracy Studies(INDIES), Indonesia
  94. People Idea Culture, Malaysia
  95. The Human Lens
  96. Indonesian Migrant Muslim Alliance( GAMMI-HK), Hong Kong
  97. Al Jami’ayyatus Sholeha, Hong Kong
  98. United Indonesian Migrant Workers Against Overcharging, Hong Kong
  99. Asosiasi BMI Progresif (ABP), Hong Kong
  100. Warkop Aremania, Hong Kong
  101. Association of Indonesian Migrant Workers(ATKI-HK),Hong Kong
  102. Jamaah Silahturohimi Blitar,(JSB-HK) , Hong Kong
  103. Nurul Hidayah,Hong Kong
  104. Lentera Wong Tai Sin, Hong Kong
  105. Al Islami, Hong Kong
  106. Indonesian Migrant Workers Union( IMWU-HK),Hong Kong
  107. Asosisi Pekerja Indonesia Timur Tengah(ASPITT),Hong Kong
  108. Al Istiqomah International Muslim Society, Hong Kong
  109. Indonesian Migrant Workers Union Macau(IMWUM), Macau
  110. Beringin Tetap Maidenlike and Benevolent (BTM & B), Hong Kong
  111. Orang Indonesia Merah Putih (OI-MP), Hong Kong
  112. Migrant Resource Centre(MRC) Penang, Malaysia
  113. Arakan Refugee Relief Committee (ARRC),Malaysia
  114. Alliance of Chin Refugees, Malaysia
  115. Kachin Refugee Committee, Malaysia
  116. The Patani, Patani/Thailand
  117. Tamil Nadu Land Rights Federation (TNLRF),India
  118. IMA Research Foundation, Bangladesh
  119. Future Watch Movement, Bangladesh
  120. ASEAN Services Employees Trade Union Council (ASETUC)
  121. Union Network International Asia Pacific Regional Office (UNI APRO)
  122. Peoples Forum, Nepal
  123. POURAKHI, Nepal
  124. Transient Workers Count Too, Singapore
      Individuals  
  1. Rev Ng Kok Kee, Pastor of Harvest Community Church Petaling Jaya, Malaysia
  2. Mahi Ramakrishnan, Filmmaker/Journalist
  3. Dr Chan Chee Khun, Academician
  4. Anselmo Lee, Activist
  5. Laurence Kwark, Activist
  6. Abu Hayat, Consultant on Bangladeshi Migration Corridor
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GE 14: Five Talking Points

GE14: Five Talking Points

  1. Where was religion?
Najib’s 2013 campaign was colored with anti-Christian and anti-Syiah rhetoric, so much so that it was called the ‘politics of fear.’ This went on well into 2015 as Hudud and Kalimah Allah led to polarizing debates that saw the opposition branded as ‘liberals.’ This eventually forced PAS to leave the coalition to assert its Islamic identity. Religion was also brought up this time around, though it had little to no effect. Mahathir’s Memali slip was as close as it got though that too faded quickly after his apology. The chorus of support for Pakatan drowned any attempts to divide the momentum along identity lines. BN’s politics of fear in GE 13, in hindsight, appear far less as an ideological commitment so much as an attempt to divide liberals from Islamists, though its absence in GE14 shows how little of it actually works when it matters the most.
  1. Rural-urban divide?
An election on Wednesday angered everyone, forcing millions back to their hometowns to make sure they made it for the midweek date. As we saw, this had the effect of further enthusing an already-unhappy and anxious electorate to vote. The subtext of that mass return is that the rural-urban gap is far less of a political divide that one thinks. Eric Thompson, sociologist at the National University of Singapore, has made the point, for quite some time now, that Malay rural-urban interactions is one of constant migration, where urban alienation informs rural discontent and vice versa. It is indeed a political sensibility that can be described full well with liberal catch-terms. The rural-Malay vote is conservative but ‘fluid’ and in ‘constant negotiation’ with context. Engaging with the distinct tenor of that negotiation should be the democratic task from now on, especially given the potentials in Pakatan’s victory. Urban-liberal discourse has understandably been frustrated with ‘rural Malay voters’ for some time now, though this prejudice is worsened by baseless claims of their racism, political naiveté and gullibility. Pakatan’s victory should signal a much needed rethinking of these biases, though this would not be aided with urban chauvinism’s implicit (and let’s face it, often racist) attitudes towards rural Malays.
  1. Mahathir: Old and New
Because while it is true that Mahathir was in fact the familiar face that tilted Malay voters against BN, it was certainly not because he was the Mahathir of old. Among other things, he corrected his own prejudices against DAP, ensured Anwar’s pardon while campaigning without an Islamic or Bumiputera-rights agenda. His final campaign address instead appealed to a shared vision of an inclusive Malaysia. His methods and rhetoric revealed a Mahathir a Malaysian politics had never seen. It is too early to speculate on how much of this new sensibility will remain given the system’s fixed ways but the openness to adapt is evident. But this is not simply a statement about Mahathir but also the Malay electorate which his appeal very much depended on.
  1. What opposition?
BN’s 60-year-old grip over the system will not end overnight but hegemony also needs leaders. None of the ‘inner circle’ that would have been expected to lead the party flattered at the polls. In addition to the major losses, speculations on how well or badly KJ, Zahid and Hisham did went on well past 11 pm on May 9th. Moreover, cleaning up the party would also require clean leaders. What’s worse than an unreformed UMNO is one that kicks and screams as it tries to hold on to whatever vestiges of power it may have left, thinking of nothing more than to rain on the victory parade. This appears to be the likeliest scenario in the immediate months to come, given the lack of a properly articulated vision of reform. Democracy has less to do with a particular party or personality in power than whether the system can stabilize while it also adapts to unexpected challenges and shocks. A vibrant opposition, which also understands the stakes of caring for a healthy democracy, would offer much towards that goal though it looks like we won’t be seeing that anytime soon. Meanwhile one would hope for smaller independent parties (such as Parti Sosialis Malaysia, where my own sympathies lie) to engage with the widening democratic opportunities to build its own capacity for the longer term.
  1. Two Sudirmans 
Barisan Nasional’s campaign was at least honest in its pessimism. Consider the video that sees Khairy Jamaluddin acting alongside Vanida Imran. It shows a conversation about which side to vote, boiled down to a cost benefit logic that equated change with uncertainty, mixed with the usual excuse that while BN is not perfect it has done some good. Their lack of confidence is most telling in Najib’s final speech. He baited fence sitters, doubling BR1M and dangling five days of no toll during Raya. He had in mind a victory that could just be bought. His speech concluded furthermore with a fittingly poignant song. He left the stage to Warisan by Sudirman, a song about a hesitant hero resigned to loss (“andai aku disingkirkan … Kemana harusku semaikan cinta ini … aku bukanlah seorang perwira”). There was also, to be sure, an air of resignation to Mahathir’s final speech where Sudirman also made an appearance. He picked Salam Terakhir, which sings of asking and granting forgiveness before a moment of truth, in recognition of time’s passage and life’s fragility (“KepadaNya ku memohon keampunan MelaluiNya ku beri kemaafan Kepadamu”). This reiterated the 93 year old’s message all along, a chance to right the wrong, and that too in two years until a proper transition. All of which suggest a finality underlining the new beginning. The uncertainties Malaysia faces (and Sabah is still rumbling as I write this) leaves much to fear and be excited about. Recall how Najib’s defeat was soon followed by widespread murmurs on whether Malay royalties would support or slow down Mahathir’s second swearing in. It was palpable enough to merit a response from the Agung himself, after the Sultan of Johor had to also clarify his position. But uncertainty has always been the hallmark of true change, where the usual answers no longer work. People power – felt in votes that led to change, recorded and shared worldwide for all to see and remember – grew upon the ruins of a corrupting regime that could no longer believe in itself.         Ahmad Fuad Rahmat researches Melancholic Malay Men at the School of Modern Languages and Cultures at the University of Nottingham Malaysia Campus, Semenyih. While running Projek Dialog he also hosts Night School and Digital Desires on BFM Radio.    ]]>

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[Reviu] Forum Hindusime 101 – Pengenalan Kepada Sastera Hindu

Saudara Uthaya menerangkan istilah-istilah dalam Hinduisme kepada para hadirin[/caption]   Pada 30 April bersamaan dengan hari Isnin, Projek Dialog telah mengadakan forum Hinduisme 101 – Pengenalan Kepada Sastera Hindu dengan kerjasama pembicara undangan, Saudara Uthaya Sankar SB yang berlangsung dari jam 8 malam ke 10 malam. Forum tersebut telah dihadiri oleh lebih kurang 5 orang tetapi oleh kerana kegiatan sesi soal jawab yang aktif dari para hadirin, forum tersebut dilanjutkan hingga jam 11 malam.   Pertama sekali, Saudara Uthaya memperkenalkan para hadirin kepada istilah-istilah yang berkaitan dengan Sastera Hinduisme. Istilah ‘Sanadana Dharma’ merupakan maksud ajaran Hinduisme iaitu Kebenaran (Sanadana) Abadi (Dharma). ‘Jikalau ia benar, bermakna ia benar selama-lamanya’ merupakan kepercayaan asas untuk agama Hinduisme. Hinduisme juga diterangkan sebagai sebuah agama yang mencari Tuhan dan bukan daripada Tuhan ke pengikutnya. Kandungan ajaran Hinduisme bukanlah bedasarkan ‘wayhu’ atau ajaran dari Tuhan akan tetapi merupakan idea-idea manusia setelah mencari ‘pencerahan’ semasa meditasi.   Hinduisme juga bermaksud ‘Vaidika Dharma’ yang wujud lagi dari zaman kitab-kitab Veda. Istilah ini berasal daripada bahasa Sanskrit. Saudara Uthaya mengatakan bahawa Sanskrit merupakan bahasa kuno akan tetapi terdapat beberapa usaha yang dilakukan oleh segelintir golongan masyarakat di India and Jerman yang ingin menghidupkan semula bahasa tersebut. Panggilan orang yang berkaitan dengan ajaran Hindu adalah Veda Murthi. Murthi bermaksud ‘pakar dan ketua’. Istilah ‘Veda Murthi’ merupakan seseorang yang arif dengan ajaran kitab-kitab Veda. Veda Murthi juga berkata bahawa mereka tidak mendapat idea-idea dari Tuhan tetapi dari ‘Apaurusheya’ yang bermaksud ‘pengetahuan ilahi’ ataupun pengetahuan melebihi kefahaman manusia.   Istilah penting yang berkaitan dengan kewujudan dan penyebaran Hinduisme adalah ‘Sruti’ dan ‘Smrti’. Sruti [sur-ti] bermaksud ‘dengar’ manakala Smrti bermaksud ‘ingat’. ‘Saya dengar, oleh itu saya ingat’. Apabila golongan Veda Murthi ingin menyampaikan ajaran Veda kepada rakyat jelata yang biasa (mereka tidak mempunyai taraf pendidikan yang tinggi), mereka memilih untuk meringkaskan ajaran-ajaran daripada Kitab-kitab Vedas melalui Sruti dan Smrti.   Perkara penting mengenai Sruti dan Smrti ialah Sruti adalah pengalaman langsung (berhubung terus dari pendengar dan pencerita) manakala Smrti adalah amalan yang dibawa turun dari nenek moyang (bukan berhubung terus, hanya apa yang boleh diingat dari generasi terkini akan generasi sebelumnya). Ini kerana pada zaman dahulu, penulisan hanya diamalkan oleh segelintir golongan Istana dan ajaran dan sejarah disampaikan secara lisan. Kepentingan Sruti adalah untuk menyebarkan ajaran menggunakan cara ringkas, tepat dan senang untuk diingati hatta penyebaran agama yang paling berkesan kepada semua golongan rakyat kerana penyebaran berlaku melalui pendengaran.   Dalam agama Hindu, bunyi memainkan peranan yang amat penting kerana getaran yang dihasilkan daripada bunyi tersebut. Banyak mantera bermula dengan ‘Ohm’ dan berakhir dengan kata penutup mantera iaitu ‘Svaha’ (bermaksud ‘Saya tunduk kepada anda’) dan setiap suku kata ada kuasa getaran sendiri. Ia bersamaan dengan Zikir (dalam Islam) dan ‘Aum’ untuk ajaran Buddhisme. Mantera-mantera ini dikumpul dan kemudian dibukukan kepada Kitab-kitab Vedas. Ia dikatakan bahawa pengarang bernama Vyasha adalah nama dibelakang penulisan Kitab-kitab Veda tetapi ia juga dikatakan bahawa Vyasha ini merupakan panggilan untuk orang-orang yang berbeza.   Kitab-kitab Vedas terdiri daripada 4 kitab iaitu Kitab Rigveda, Yajurveda, Samaveda dan Atharvaveda. Rigveda mempunyai 10,250 ayat, Yajurveda mempunyai 6,000 ayat, Samaveda mempunyai 1875 ayat dan Atharvaveda mempunyai 2,000 ayat dan setiap Kitab merangkumi ajaran yang meliputi segala aspek kehidupan. Dalam setiap mantera terkandungnya tenaga yang positif oleh sebab mantera yang bukan sahaja untuk memuja Tuhan tapi untuk mendoakan kesejahteraan semua yang hidup dalam alam sekitar. Kandungannya amat terperinci kerana ia merangkumi segala aspek kehidupan dari jenis-jenis perkahwinan yang dibenarkan atau diharamkan sehinggalah garis panduan, butiran kelayakan dan senarai tanggung-jawab untuk memperoleh anak angkat dalam hal ehwal keluarga.   Kitab-kitab Vedas iaitu Kitab Rigveda, Yajurveda, Samaveda dan Atharvaveda kemudiannya diringkaskan kepada beberapa peringkat mengikut peredaran zaman iaitu :

  1. Veda (kitab-kitab Vedas terawal)
  2. Dharma sastra
  3. Dharma sutra
  4. Smrti
  5. Nibanda
  6. Purana
  7. Epik (terakhir)
  • Dharma sastera mempunyai 3 kandungan; ‘Acara’ iaitu kod etika dan pendidikan moral perihal isu keluarga, ‘Ayuhara’ iaitu perihal mengenai fungsi dan tanggungjawab masyarakat, serta ‘Prayacita’ iaitu cara-cara penebusan dosa besar atau kecil yang dilaksanakan untuk orang yang ingin bertaubat dari kesalahannya.
  • Gerenasi berikutnya mengeluarkan Dharma Sutra iaitu versi ringkas dari Dharma Sastera.
  • Smrti iaitu cara paling senang kerana melalui cara lisan. Nama bukunya ialah Manusmriti tetapi orang yang meringkaskannya bernama Manu…yang juga merupakan asalnya Manusia dalam Bahasa Melayu.
  • Nibanda – Satu generasi seterusnya lagi, Manusmriti diringkaskan dan dibahagikan kepada bab-bab tertentu mengikut kefahaman mereka. Sebagai contoh, buku cerita kanak-kanak dibahagikan kepada bahagian ‘Remaja’ dan ‘Kanak-kanak’ hanya pada tahun 80-an, kerana pembahagiaan tersebut dilakukan mengikut lapisan umur dan tahap pemikiran mereka yang berbeza. Nibanda juga mempunyai garis panduan dalam pentadbiran kerajaan seperti tatatertib pemberian hadiah diantara Raja dan bangsanya, prosedur mahkamah dan lain-lain.
  • Purana wujud untuk mempermudahkan lagi isi kandungan Nibanda. Purana juga memfokuskan pada cerita dewa dan dewi yang mempunyai pengajaran nilai-nilai moral yang tersirat kerana Purana kerap diceritakan pada golongan kanak-kanak. Dalam setiap Purana yang mempunyai dewa/dewi berbeza, dewa/dewi tersebut akan memainkan watak protagonis atau hero dalam jalan cerita mereka masing-masing.
  • Epik adalah cerita orang awam. Seperti Epik Ramayana, terdapat beberapa watak yang di-inspirasikan atau penjelmaan daripada dewa dewi Hindu seperti Vishnu yang menjelma kepada watak Rama, Lakshmi yang menjelma kepada watak Sita, Shiva yang menjelma menjadi Hanuman, dan lain-lain. Ini adalah untuk mengekalkan hubungan cerita Epik Ramayana dengan ajaran Hindu.
  Sastera Mahabarata merupakan sebuah cerita yang melibatkan Krishna sebagai diri-Nya dan Arjuna (seorang manusia dalam penjelmakan Vishnu) dalam perang besar di Bharata selama 6 hari. Krishna merupakan panduan rohani Arjuna apabila beliau dalam keraguan untuk memerangi musuh iaitu ahli keluarganya sendiri. Krishna membimbingnya demi Kebenaran (Dharma) dan apabila Arjuna ingin memulakan perang tersebut, lalu berlakunya bab perang iaitu bab yang dipanggil ‘Bhagavad Gita’. Perkataan Bhagavad berasal dari Bhagavan iaitu bermaksud ‘Lagu Tuhan’. dan dalam Bhagavad Gita, terdapatnya watak-watak lain seperti Bishma (jelmaan Dewa Hanuman) yang memainkan peranan sebagai watak sampingan.   Saudara Uthaya juga menerangkan istilah Vignaya, Karma, Upasana, dan Gyan:
  1. Vignaya merupakan mantera untuk mengenali Tuhan
  2. Karma merupakan konsep yang menggalakkan manusia berbuat baik demi mendapat balasan yang baik demi persediaan Akhirat.
  3. Upasana merupakan koleksi doa-doa yang berlandaskan sifat menyeluruhi ataupun ‘universal’. Upasana baik dibaca dalam Bahasa Sanskrit dan doa-doa akan ditujukan untuk semua seperti keamanan untuk semua manusia tanpa pilih kasih pada golongan manusia.
  4. Gyan merupakan ilmu atau cerita mengenai alam semesta.
  Akhirnya, Saudara Uthaya menenkankan bahawa agama Hinduisme adalah agama yang mempercayai 1 Tuhan sahaja dan seperti ajaran Islam, Orang Islam mempercayai bahawa Allah s.w.t mempunyai 99 nama terpuji, Hinduisme juga mempunyai nama-nama lain yang tiada nombor hadnya untuk Tuhan kerana mereka mempercayai bahawa Tuhan tidak mempunyai apa-apa bentuk fizikal yang nyata. Tetapi berbeza dari agama lain, Hinduisme menggalakkan penganutnya untuk menggambarkan dan membayangkan Tuhan menggunakan kreativiti mereka dan juga untuk menyoal dan mencari jawapan sekiranya kepercayaan/pendapat mereka bercanggah dengan apa yang telah disampaikan.        ]]>

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[Previu] : Hinduisme 101 – Pengenalan Kepada Sastera Hindu

Speaker undangan, Saudara Uthaya Sankar. Untuk mengetahui dengan lebih lanjut mengenainya, silalah ke pautan ini https://goo.gl/4TSLp7

  Forum ini merupakan kesinambungan pada Forum Hinduisme 101 yang telah diadakan pada tahun 2017 dan sebelumnya. Projek Dialog dengan sukacitanya ingin menjemput semua untuk menghadiri forum ini pada 30 haribulan April (Isnin) dari 8pm-10pm di Projek Dialog. Forum ini akan dibentangkan oleh saudara Uthaya Sankar SB (seorang kolumnis dan penulis esei) dan beliau akan menerangkan kepada semua akan sastera-sastera Hindu yang terdapat secara asas dalam Hinduisme.  

Topik-topik yang akan dibentangkan dalam forum Isnin depan.

  Untuk pengetahuan semua, ini akan merupakan forum ke-3 mengenai Hinduisme yang dianjurkan oleh Projek Dialog. Sila tekan Pautan ini untuk membaca Reviu forum pertama dan kedua yang telah diadakan sebelum ini. Forum Pertama Hinduisme 101 – http://www.projekdialog.com/…/agama-hindu-101-menolak-ster…/ Forum Kedua Hinduisme 101 – http://www.projekdialog.com/featured/reviu-agama-hindu-101-pengenalan-sesi-kedua/   Kami juga ingin mengalu-alukan apa-apa cadangan topik untuk dibentangkan dalam sesi Hinduisme 101 yang seterusnya. Sila email atau mesej kami di laman Sosial Media kami dalam Facebook, Twitter dan Instagram jika anda berminat untuk mengetahui apa-apa isu mengenai ajaran Hinduisme.      ]]>

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Selamat Hari Kartini

Photo credit : Janko Ferlic (https://www.pexels.com/@thepoorphotographer)[/caption] Oleh Afiq M. Noor

Pakaian merupakan hak asasi setiap orang tanpa kecuali. Peri pentingnya pakaian kepada manusia sehingga Allah S.W.T menggambarkan ikatan perkahwinan antara seorang isteri dengan suami sebagai – “..mereka (isteri) adalah pakaian bagimu (suami) dan kamu (suami) adalah pakaian bagi mereka (isteri)..” (Quran 2:187). Kenapa Al Quran memilih untuk mengumpamakan hubungan kudus antara isteri dan suami dengan pakaian? Sudah pastilah kerana pakaian mempunyai signifikan yang sangat penting dengan manusia. Selain untuk menutup keaiban agar tidak dilihat oleh orang kebanyakan, pakaian juga mencerminkan identiti si pemakai. Jika si pemakai itu berkebaya, bersarung batik, berkonde dan menutup kepalanya dengan selendang sudah pasti kita mengetahui bahawa dia perempuan nusantara yang bangga dengan identiti nusantaranya. Jika si pemakai itu berabaya hitam dengan tenunan berwarna keemasan di lengannya dan bercadar sudah hampir pasti si pemakai itu perempuan dari Tanah Arab yang senang sekali dengan identiti arabnya.

 

Setiap manusia pasti memilih pakaian yang bukan sahaja selesa di pakai tapi lebih dari itu sebagai cerminan identiti, maruah dan political/religious statement yang diimaninya. Sebagai contoh, Sheikh Al Azhar, Dr. Abdul Halim Mahmud (1978), sepulangnya dari Sorbone University di Perancis beliau mengenakan pakaian ala barat dan mengajar di Universiti Al Azhar. Namun apabila Presiden Mesir Gamal Abdul Nassir mengkritik dan merendah-rendahkan ulama di Al Azhar beliau menunjukkan protes dan kemarahannya dengan menanggalkan pakaian ala barat yang lazim dipakainya dan memakai pakaian rasmi Al Azhar – jubah dan imamah hitam dan merah. Beliau juga menganjurkan para alumni Al Azhar untuk mengenakan pakaian rasmi Al Azhar untuk menunjukkan bantahan dan ketidaksetujuannya dengan kritikan Presiden Mesir ketika itu. Begitu juga para santri di Indonesia dan Nahdhatul Ulama’ mereka begitu identik dengan sarung dan peci (songkok) sebagai identiti mereka sehingga mereka di gelar sebagai kaum sarungan dan bangga dengan identiti tersebut. Nah, begitulah serba sedikit tentang politik identiti dalam pemilihan pakaian atau fesyen.

 

Manusia berpakaian juga tidak lain, untuk dilihat cantik. Siapa sahaja yang tidak suka kelihatan cantik dan elegan dengan busana yang melekat di tubuhnya? Namun, tidak jatuh kafir jika saya katakan industri fesyen menempatkan posisi perempuan jika tidak setara, hampir sama dengan agama. Hubungan perempuan dengan agama dan hubungan perempuan dengan fesyen juga hampir sama polanya. Terlalu menyakitkan.

 

Jahiz, seorang sastrawan Iraq pernah berkata- “Aku dan orang yang berfikiran rasional tidak akan pernah mengatakan bahawa status perempuan itu di bawah lelaki, setingkat, dua tingkat atau lebih..Namun aku melihat begitu ramai orang yang merendahkan, mengekspoitasi dan mengurangi hak-hak mereka..”

 

Begitulah perempuan, mereka bukan sekadar di atur-atur hidupnya oleh agamawan dengan aturan-aturan yang tidak masuk akal dan domestifikasi dirinya dari ruang publik sekaligus mengurangi harkat dan martabatnya. Perempuan juga di kurangkan statusnya kerana bentuk tubuh badannya oleh tuhan-tuhan kecil industri fesyen. Wahyu dan sabda tuhan-tuhan kecil ini menginginkan perempuan itu harusnya begini dan begitu dengan tidak ada tawar menawar. Maka hiduplah sekali lagi perempuan dengan tidak bebas menjadi dirinya sendiri. Hidup atas kata orang lain.

 

Mengambil berkat Hari Kartini yang jatuh pada tanggal 21 haribulan April setiap tahun, berilah perempuan peluang untuk hidup sebagai diri mereka sendiri tanpa perlu menurut kata-kata orang lain selain diri mereka. Biarlah para perempuan mengatur hidupnya sendiri. Patriarki tidak hanya ada dalam teks-teks dan tafsiran keagamaan tapi juga dalam semua lapangan kehidupan (termasuk tuhan-tuhan kecil industri fesyen).

 

Perempuan nusantara harus berani berubah atas kemahuan dirinya sendiri, atas kesedaran dirinya sendiri. Jangan biar dirimu dibuli oleh sesiapa sahaja. Jadilah dirimu sendiri dan jangan biar hidupmu di atur oleh orang lain. Saya akhiri warkah pendek saya dengan kutipan dari Ibu Kartini – “Tetapi sekarang ini, kami tidak mencari penglipurlara hati pada manusia, kami berpegang teguh-teguh pada tangan-Nya. Maka hari gelap gulita pun menjadi terang dan angina ribut pun menjadi sepoi-sepoi..” Semoga saja kartini-kartini di luar juga berani melawan dan mengatakan TIDAK kepada para penindas hidupmu. Hidup Perempuan (yang bebas dan menjadi dirinya sendiri)! Selamat Hari Kartini.

 

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