Mangamabo Sebelum memulakan upacara Mangambao, Bobolian dan Bobohizan (pengamal-pengamal upacara shamanisme) akan meletakkan satu tarikh khas untuk upacara Mangamabo. Selepas itu, Bobolian ataupun Bobohizan akan menjemput rakan-rakan Bobolian dan Bobohizan yang lain untuk menyertai upacara ini. Upacara Mangambao mesti dilakukan dengan 3 ataupun 10 orang Bobolian dan Bobohizan dan tidak boleh dilakukan oleh seoang Bobolian dan Bobohizan sahaja. Penduduk kampung disekitar juga dijemput untuk turut serta dalam Mangambao dengan satu syarat dimana mereka yang menyertainya harus mematuhi pantang larang seperti tidak boleh memetik pisang dan mengambil batang “Polod” ataupun “sejenis makanan dari batang pokok kelapa” untuk menghormati upacara Mangambao ini. Bobolian dan Bobohizan kemudiannya akan mencari seekor “babi” ataupun “Wogok” untuk dijadikan penyembahan dalam upacara Mangambao dimana Wogok akan dipersembahkan kepada rogon jahat semasa mengambil roh si pesakit dan juga kepada rogon-rogon lain yang berada di tanah, rumah, air dan pokok. Lagu-lagu mantera Upacara Mangambao dimulakan dengan menyembelih atau “menombok” Wogok tersebut dengan di sertai “rinait dan watang” atapun “lagu-lagu mantera” yang berbeza-beza mengikut kepandaian rinait dan watang setiap Bobolian dan Bobohizan. Rinait dan watang yang dinyanyikan adalah untuk memanggil malaikat-malaikat pelindung yang akan menolong Bobolian dan Bobohizan untuk mendapatkan roh si pesakit yang telah di ambil oleh rogon jahat. Mereka yang turut serta dalam Mangambao juga boleh mengikut membaca rinait dan watang yang di nyanyikan oleh Bobolian dan Bobohizan. Antara rinait dan watang yang di nyanyikan oleh nenek saya semasa Mangambao ialah rinait do “Sugang” Rinoit do “Sugang” Oi kumburongoh, sugaun ti topong sugang, ngoyo ku di kumborongoh Iso kudi rinokian,sungaun ti topong sugang,topong di kumborongoh Sugang tanak gararaong ngadau Irung tanak irung sidang,aawi kanto garao ngadau Inda kanto irung sidang tolindakon dot nokuod soroungan dot nawalie Ko suminban kotugangon dot tumitiu ko suminban dot tinogu Monida nogi tondiu manahang nogi kolumpod Molungou longou ei rinatai mansampur-sampur ei tanah Hilo no simbang tarasi, ei’ e koh ei sugang nga amu osulian Rimuda om rumasa, ei’e maga oii, simbang dahai kumborongoh Irung dahai rinokian hilo no sugang tarasu om hilo noh irung taadau Sugang nga amu osulian ei rimunda aaratan Bobolian dan Bobohizan yang mahir dalam upacara Mamagambil akan memanggil Tombilonnya iaitu Himbou, manakala Bobolian dan Bobohizan yang lain akan memanggil semangat komburongoh dengan menggunakan sejenis alat shamanisme iaitu Kumburongoh. Ada Bobolian dan Bobohizan memanggil semangat yang dipanggil Dahao dengan menggunakan sejenis alat shamanisme iaitu Ginding. Semangat-semangat Himbou, Komburongoh dan Dahao akan terpanggil melalui rinait dan watang yang di nyanyikan oleh Bobolian dan Bobohizan dan ikut serta dalam upacara Mangambao. Monsuhut Di sebelah siang, Bobolian dan Bobohizan berterusan menyanyikan rinait dan watang masing-masing hingga sampai waktu malam. Di sebelah malam, Tombilon, Himbou dan Komburongoh bersama-sama dengan Bobolian dan Bobohizan akan melakukan Monsuhut (mengambil roh si pesakit) yang telah di ambil oleh rogon jahat. Rogon Bobolian dan Bobohizan juga akan berkomunikasi dengan rogon-rogon yang tinggal di rumah bersama dengan manusia untuk merapatkan hubungan rogon dengan manusia supaya rogon yang tinggal di rumah tidak akan menjadi jahat kepada manusia. Salah satu rogon iaitu Tandahou. Tandahao merupakan rogon yang baik dan menolong manusia dimana rogon ini membantu mengukuhkan kedudukan rumah supaya tidak tumbang apabila ribut kuat melanda. Bobolian dan Bobohizan juga berkomunikasi dengan rogon-rogon lain seperti rogon tanah iaitu Satana dan Koromit, rogon air iaitu tambaig, rogon di pokok-pokok besar iaitu Tompuan. Tompuan biasanya hidup di “Nunuk” ataupun “pokok-pokok yang mempunyai batang besar. Ini adalah bertujuan supaya rogon-rogon ini tidak akan menganggu kehidupan manusia terutamanya keluarga si Bobolian dan Bobohizan. Upacara turun-kemurun Upacara Mangambao adalah upacara shamanisme yang memakan masa yang lama untuk mempelajarinya. Nenek saya sendiri telah mengambil masa dua tahun untuk menghafal rinait dan watang dimana nenek moyang menyampaikan rinait dan watang dalam bahasa lisan kerana nenek saya tidak pandai menulis. Setiap malam, nenek saya akan menghafal beberapa bait rinait dan ratang sehingga rinait dan watang itu lengkap menjadi satu lagu mantera. Proses pembelajarannya memerlukan kesabaran dan minat yang tinggi untuk menguasai ilmu dan pengetahuan alam yang menakjubkan ini. Maka Mangambao itu sesuatu pengetahuan dan ilmu yang memerlukan kekuatan dan komitmen yang tinggi untuk mempelajarinya dimana ianya memerluka daya ingatan yang kuat untuk mengingati setiap bait rinait dan watang. Persoalannya sanggupkah kita memberi ruang kepada otak dan minda kita untuk menghafal semua ini? Penulisan saya akan bersambung kepada shamanisme yang seterusnya iaitu “Moguhok”.
]]>Shamanisme di Malaysia: contoh Mamagambil
“Pagambil”
Penulisan saya kali ini lebih mengupas kepada tentang upacara-upacara dalam shamanisme oleh nenek saya. Shamanisme dalam Dusun Tindal mempunyai 3 upacara yang utama iaitu Mamagambil, Moguhok dan Magambao.
Maka, disini saya ingin menjemput pembaca untuk menyertai saya dalam penerokaan yang lebih mendalam tentang upacara yang pertama iaitu “Mamagambil”.
Mamagambil merupakan upacara Shamanisme yang dibuat untuk memanggil “Tombilon”. Tombilon bermaksud “Great Spirit” yang menjawap panggilan dalam upacara Mamagambil.
Tombilon yang biasanya akan terpanggil dalam Mamagambil adalah dinamakan “Himbou” ataupun malaikat di langit untuk melihat kesakitan seseorang. Mamagambil ini biasanya dilakukan oleh seorang “Pagambil” ataupun dikenali sebagai pemanggil malaikat di langit melalui bahasa Himbou.
Mamagambil biasanya dilakukan pada waktu malam dimana seluruh ruang “Pogombilan” ataupun tempat ruang upacara adalah dalam keadaan gelap dan pesakit akan duduk menghadap ke arah Pagambil.
Pagambil akan diselubungi selimut dan memulakan Mamagambil dengan nyanyian dalam bahasa Himbou sambil membuat satu gerakan tarian. Semasa Mamagambil, penglihatan seorang Pagambil adalah seperti mimpi dimana Pagambil melihat sesuatu objek seperti bayangan dimana ianya sangat bergantung kepada gerakan hati Pagambil.
Pagambil biasanya akan mengambil masa dalam 30 minit ataupun lebih dari 1 jam untuk berkomunikasi dengan Himbou. Pagambil juga akan mengambil jangka masa yang panjang untuk mempelajari Mamagambil dimana nenek saya sendiri mengambil masa lebih dari 10 tahun dimana dia telah mula mempelajari upacara ini sewaktu kecil hingga dewasa.
Proses pembelajaran dalam Mamagambil bermula dengan Pagambil akan menghafal semua lirik-lirik lagu dalam bahasa Himbou dan satu upacara “Mokiroliu” ataupun dikenali sebagai “Pemindahan Kuasa” akan diadakan dimana “Guru” Pagambil akan mengangkat anak muridnya dengan membuat satu rentak tarian bersama dengan nyanyian dalam bahasa Himbou.
Selain daripada pemindahan kuasa, Mokiroliu juga dilakukan dengan tujuan untuk memperkenal diri Pagambil yang baru kepada Himbou.
Himbou
Himbou ataupun malaikat di langit merupakan malaikat-malaikat yang mempunyai penglihatan dan kuasa pemyembuhan yang sangat luar biasa. Menurut nenek saya, Himbou juga mempercayai bahawa wujudnya “Kinorohingan” ataupun Tuhan yang sangat berkuasa di alam ini.
Kinorohingan dikatakan mmpunyai seorang isteri yang bernama “Eumum” dimana Eumum mempunyai satu kuasa penyembuhan yang sangat tinggi dimana semua Himbou akan merujuk kepadanya. Kinorohingan juga dikatakan telah mencipta seluruh alam, manusia dan Himbou itu sendiri.
Kehidupan Himbou adalah seakan-akan sama seperti kehidupan manusia dimana Himbou mempunyai kawasan perkampungan seperti “Ributan,Pupusan, Sinupu, Hinobou dan Himbou juga mempunyai keluarga dan komuniti.
Perbezaan antara manusia dengan Himbou adalah Himbou tidak mempunyai jangka hayat kematian dan Himbou juga adalah sangat pembersih dimana mereka tidak akan memakan benda-benda hidup seperti daging manakala manusia sudah ditetapkan hayat kehidupannya di bumi.
Mamagambil
Menurut kepercayaan dalam Mamagambil, seseorang yang mengalami kesakitan adalah disebabkan rohnya telah di ambil dan dikurung oleh “Rogon jahat” ataupun dikenali sebagai syaitan jahat dan menyembunyikan roh tersebut di sesuatu tempat seperti pokok, sungai dan setiap sudut tanah.
Apabila Pagambil membuat Mamagambil, Himbou akan datang berkomunikasi dengannya dan Pagambil akan melihat bayangan tempat tersebut dan Himbou akan memberitahu Pagambil bahawa roh pesakit tersebut adalah di tempat itu.
Selepas itu, pesakit akan meminta Himbou untuk mengambil rohnya semula. Himbou akan membuat beberapa strategi untuk melawan syaitan jahat tersebut dengan memanggil pembantu-pembantunya yang dikenali sebagai “Tambagat”. Salah satu strategi Himbou adalah menyuruh Tambagat untuk mengalihkan perhatian syaitan jahat dengan mengajak syaitan jahat itu menari dan minum bersama dan Himbou akan mengambil peluang untuk mengambil roh tersebut. Apabila roh berjaya diselamatkan, pesakit tersebut akan pulih seperti biasa.
Contoh peristiwa adalah dimana seorang jiran saya mengalami kesakitan yang teruk dimana kulitnya bertukar menjadi kuning dan mengalami kesejukan separuh badan.
Pada mulanya, dia sering berulang alik ke hospital untuk mengambil ubat tetapi kesakitan tidak pernah berubah. Lantas, dia memutuskan untuk berjumpa dengan nenek saya untuk melakukkan upacara Mamagambil.
Semasa upacara tersebut, nenek saya memberitahu bahawa roh jiran saya telah di bawa oleh syaitan jahat dan meletakkan badannya di dalam sebuah tong yang besar dimana tong tersebut dipenuhi oleh air yang berwarna kuning.
Ini telah menyebabkan jiran saya merasa sejuk separuh badan dan kulitnya berubah menjadi warna kuning. Selepas itu, Himbou bertungkus lumus membawa rohnya semula dan jiran saya pulih seperti biasa.
Kepercayaan dalam perubatan Mamagambil adalah dimana seseorang akan pulih apabila rohnya berjaya diselamatkan dan sesetengah roh yang tidak berjaya diselamatkan akan membawa pesakit kepada kematiannya.
Maka saya melihat upacara Mamagambil ini merupakan satu upacara kosmik yang sangat menakjubkan dimana wujudnya satu sistem perubatan dunia kosmik yang sangat canggih dan moden.
Kemodenan dan kecanggihan disini bukan semata-mata berlandaskan kepada peralatan teknikal di dalam perubatan tetapi bergantung kepada tenaga kosmik dan spirituality di dalam proses penyembuhan.
Temubual eksklusif bersama Reveren Jerry Dusing, presiden Sidang Injil Borneo, Sabah
Projek Dialog: Sebagai permulaan, boleh anda jelaskan sedikit sebanyak berkenaan Sidang Injil Borneo (SIB): siapa yang diwakili organisasi ini, bila penubuhannya serta aktiviti-aktiviti yang sering dijalankan?
Reveren Datuk Jerry Dusing: Sidang Injil Borneo (SIB) bermula di Sarawak pada pertengahan 1920an dan kemudiannya di Sabah pada 1940an sejurus sebelum Perang Dunia Kedua.
Seperti gerakan mubaligh lain, SIB mempunyai objektif untuk mengongsikan ajaran di dalam kitab Injil kepada semua manusia di mana juga mereka berada. Khususnya kepada mubaligh-mubaligh (SIB) pada waktu itu, fokus utama mereka ialah penduduk asal Sabah dan Sarawak yang tinggal jauh di pedalaman.
Kumpulan-kumpulan mubaligh lain pada masa itu kebanyakannya bergiat di kawasan bandar sebelum memasuki kawasan pedalaman. Akan tetapi, SIB yang pada waktu itu dikenali sebagai Borneo Evangelical Mission, bermula di kawasan pedalaman dan secara perlahan memasuki kawasan bandar. SIB lebih menumpukan gerakan mubaligh di kawasan pedalaman [orang asal] kerana terdapat lebih keperluan di kawasan tersebut. Di Sarawak terutamanya, kebanyakan penduduk asal pada masa itu masih hidup di dalam rimba: mereka sangat ketinggalan, mengamalkan animisme, serta cara hidup yang tidak menggalakkan perkembangan manusia.
Di Sabah, gerakan mubaligh hanya bermula pada tahun 40an. Perkembangan SIB amat berbeza berbanding kumpulan mubaligh lain dari segi kaedah, penekanan serta kawasan yang ditumpukan.
Tentunya ini bukan suatu permasalahan buat mereka [komuniti pedalaman] tetapi jika kita ambil kira daripada perspektif yang lebih maju, adalah amat sukar untuk membayangkan bagaimana kehidupan seperti itu dapat berkembang dan berkekalan. Malah, cara fikir pemerintah British pada waktu itu, melalui apa yang dapat kita fahami daripada pembacaan sejarah, menunjukkan bahawa agak mustahil untuk mereka melakukan sebarang usaha kemajuan terhadap penduduk asal ini.
Sebab utama mengapa para mubaligh ini mudah diterima adalah kerana kebanyakan penduduk pedalaman pada waktu itu masih terperangkap dalam cara hidup animisme, masalah penyakit, kemiskinan serta kemabukan. Ajaran Injil dapat menghasilkan perubahan yang besar terhadap cara hidup mereka ke arah yang lebih baik.
Sekarang, ramai dikalangan mereka dapat merasa faedah yang diterima di mana mereka memperolehi kedudukan yang baik dalam kerajaan serta syarikat swasta. Oleh kerana gerakan mubaligh dapat memberi bantuan dalam mengubah cara hidup mereka, kebanyakan penduduk pedalaman dapat mencapai status kejayaan pada hari ini.
SIB lebih berkembang di kalangan penduduk pedalaman Sabah dan Sarawak pada hari ini kerana penumpuan yang diberikan kepada kawasan pedalaman terhadap permasalahan kemiskinan, kesihatan, kemabukan dan pendidikan.
PD: Terdapat berapa bahagian atau ahli dalam SIB sekarang?
RDJD: Sebenarnya terdapat tiga organisasi dalam SIB. Ke tiga-tiga organisasi ini berbeza dari segi pentadbiran, namun tetap sama dalam semangat dan kerjasama.
Tiga organisasi SIB ini mewakili wilayah yang berbeza iaitu Sarawak, Sabah dan Semenanjung Malaysia. Di Sarawak ia didaftarkan di bawah Registrar of Society (RoS), kemudiannya ditukar kembali di bawah Missionary Society Ordinance. Di Semenanjung Malaysia, ia didaftarkan di bawah Suruhanjaya Syarikat. Di Sabah pula ia didaftarkan di bawah “Trustee Ordinance”.
Dari segi pentadbiran, SIB lebih senang didaftarkan sebagai pertubuhan berbeza. Namun dari segi teologi serta ajaran Kristian dan juga kepimpinan, SIB tetap bersama sebagai satu gerakan, berkongsi sumber dan pekerja penuh masa atau pastor bersama.
Untuk mengekalkan kesatuan di kalangan tiga organisasi ini, perjumpaan akan diadakan tiga kali setahun untuk tujuan dialog, serta perancangan strategi dan pembangunan.
PD: Boleh anda terangkan dengan lebih mendalam mengenai aspek teologi atau mazhab Kristian yang membentuk SIB?
RDJD: Daripada spektrum Kristian yang luas, SIB umumnya sebahagian daripada pemahaman Protestan dengan pengkhususan kepada mazhab Evangelical.
Dalam mazhab Evangelical, keutamaan diberikan terhadap kepentingan Alkitab. SIB banyak menekankan aspek berkaitan Alkitab, termasuklah dalam isu nama ‘Allah’ baru-baru ini. Tujuan utama mazhab Evangelikal adalah untuk berkongsi kepercayaan. Kebanyakan pengikut Evangelikal akan mempunyai keyakinan yang serupa.
PD: Terdapat perbezaan dalam sejarah gerakan Evangelikal-Protestant jika dibandingkan antara di Semenanjung Malaysia dan di Sabah dan Sarawak. Di Semenanjung Malaysia, gerakan ini hanya aktif sekitar tahun 60-70an, sedangkan di Sabah dan Sarawak, jauh lebih awal iaitu sejak tahun 1920an. Boleh saudara berikan penerangan lebih lanjut mengenai perbezaan ini?
RDJD: Jika dilihat berdasarkan sejarah gereja di Semenanjung Malaysia, perkembangan itu berlaku semasa tempoh kebangunan rohani (revival) yang menyebabkan pertumbuhan yang drastik.
Bagi kami yang bekepercayaan (Believers), Tuhan sendiri turut sama membantu proses ini dengan meletakkan keyakinan dan semangat melalui petanda kehadiran Tuhan dan keajaiban yang menyentuh perasaan manusia. Jadi, apa yang dapat dilihat pada tahun 70an di Malaysia dan juga Sabah dan Sarawak, adalah satu perkembangan luar biasa.
Contohnya, SIB pada waktu itu membesar dua kali ganda daripada sebelumnya. Pada waktu ini juga, banyak pihak merasakan perkembangan tersebut tidak mungkin berlaku hanya disebabkan keputusan kerajaan pada waktu itu untuk menghantar pulang mubaligh warga asing yang bertapak di Malaysia.
Penganut Kristian pada waktu itu merasakan diri mereka mangsa, tetapi jika dilihat melalui perspektif yang lebih luas, ini merupakan sebahagian daripada usaha kerajaan pada waktu itu yang memperkenalkan polisi localization.
Kerana pada waktu itu kepimpinan SIB masih lagi dipegang oleh mubaligh asing, terutamanya warga Britain dan Australia daripada mazhab yang pelbagai. Kesan yang baik daripada perubahan ini ialah dasar localization ini membantu untuk membangun kepimpinan warga tempatan sendiri.
Peralihan kepimpinan kepada mubaligh tempatan yang lebih memahami budaya setempat memudahkan gereja berhadapan dengan masyarakat setempat. Namun jika kita mahu melihat dari sisi yang lebih spiritual, perkembangan ini bukan sekadar faktor manusia semata-mata, tetapi juga disebabkan faktor supernatural.
Sebagai seorang Kristian, saya dapat mengatakan seperti itu. Tetapi, tentu sekali sukar untuk diterima oleh orang bukan Kristian.
PD: Tadi kita lebih banyak membincangkan tentang perkembangan SIB, sekarang kita akan membincangkan aspek kebudayaan dalam konteks Malaysia.
Proses Islamisasi di Semenanjung Malaysia berlaku dalam pelbagai aspek termasuklah senibina, media, cara bermasyarakat, cara pakaian dan sebagainya. Ia berlaku dalam rangkuman faktor dinamika masyarakat di Semenanjung Malaysia, tetapi apakah keadaan di Sabah dan Sarawak dan adakah terdapat kesan Islamisasi terhadap kehidupan penganut Kristian di sana?
RDJD: Saya merasakan ini bukan khususnya polisi kerajaan. Saya juga tidak pasti sama ada berlakunya proses Islamisasi secara khusus.
Jika dilihat dengan lebih mendalam, dapat dikatakan proses ini lebih kepada suatu ‘Melayusasi’. Hujah kami ialah mengapa perlu proses ‘Melayusasi’ yang sebegini? Sekiranya ingin melakukan ‘Malaysianisasi’, bukankah ada cara yang lebih baik untuk mengiktiraf budaya yang lebih bersesuaian dengan Malaysia yang mempunyai kepelbagaian warna dan cara hidup. Kenapa hanya mahu memilih perkembangan budaya berasaskan Timur Tengah?
Kami menghormati penganut Islam, malah bagi kami penganut Kristian, apa keperluannya untuk memilih representasi Kristian daripada Barat? Bukankah lebih baik untuk menonjolkan ciri-ciri budaya asal yang lebih menunjukkan proses ‘Malaysianisasi’ berlaku. Dari segi senibina, kita mampu membangun senibina kita sendiri. Saya sendiri mempunyai latar belakang kejuruteraan sivil. Kita dapat lihat setiap budaya mempunyai cara ekspresi yang tertentu. Begitulah cara manusia membangun, bergantung kepada persekitaran tempatan.
Malaysia sepatutnya mempunyai kepelbagaian dalam ekspresi. Apa yang semakin kehilangan buat masa ini adalah cara untuk berekspresi sebagai warga Malaysia. Jika kita mengikut ilmu sosial, mempunyai budaya yang tunggal (mono-culture) adalah sesuatu yang tidak baik.
Ada pihak yang berpandangan bahawa kita memerlukan dasar budaya yang selaras. Tetapi apa sebenarnya yang betul-betul selaras? Bagi kami, perkara yang asas ialah sistem keyakinan dan kepercayaan, yang mana ia perlu memberi jawapan kepada persoalan tentang peranan kita sebagai manusia.
Sebagai ketua dan Presiden kepada SIB Sabah, saya amat menggalakkan perkembangan ekspresi kebudayaan. Terdapat juga sebilangan ahli SIB yang melihat sesetengah mazhab mempunyai sistem yang selaras dan merasakan ada keperluan untuk SIB mengikuti mereka. Tetapi apa keperluannya? SIB adalah berbeza.
Kelainan ada di pelbagai kawasan, suku etnik dan cara hidup. Bagaimana untuk menyelaraskan perbezaan-perbezaan antara satu sama lain?
Di Sabah dan Sarawak kami sudah dibesarkan untuk menjadi lebih toleran. Kami dapat melihat kepelbagaian beragama termasuk Islam, Buddha, Sikh, Kristian dan juga kepercayaan nenek moyang dikalangan ahli keluarga.
Kami saling hormat-menghormati antara satu sama lain berbanding dengan keadaan di Semenanjung. Contohnya, dua tahun yang lalu, saya turut berada di dalam Majlis Perpaduan Negara, sebuah kumpulan antara agama. Bila ada kumpulan melawat Sabah, mereka akan perasan perbezaan yang ada. Sudah ada kebiasaan untuk peniaga Cina dan peniaga Muslim menjual barangan berbeza dalam kedai yang sama selagi dapat dipastikan makanan yang dimakan tidak bercampur. Kami tidak cuba mempersendakan satu sama lain. Sudah wujud pemahaman tidak bertulis antara penduduk di Sabah dan Sarawak yang tiada di Semenanjung Malaysia.
Perkara ini ditimbulkan dalam Suruhanjaya Cobbold. Sabah dan Sarawak meminta jaminan dalam hal kebebasan beragama. Ini bukan hanya permintaan penganut Kristian, walaupun sememangnya pada waktu itu adalah majoriti, tetapi juga permintaan suku kaum dan agama etnik-etnik lain. Itu menyebabkan adanya perkara berkenaan kebebasan beragama dalam Perlembagaan. Bagi Sabah dan Sarawak, 20 dan 18 perkara yang ditimbulkan sebagai syarat menganggotai persekutuan adalah berkenaan kebebasan beragama. Islam adalah agama Persekutuan hanya untuk upacara rasmi.
Akhirnya ia adalah bergantung kepada individu untuk memilih, cuma sekarang sudah berkembangnya masalah mempolitikkan agama.
PD: Apakah kepentingan Bahasa Malaysia dalam konteks budaya dan upacara Kristian di Sarawak?
RDJD: Sabah dan Sarawak mempunyai banyak kumpulan-kumpulan etnik kecil dengan bahasa etnik yang berbeza. Adalah mustahil untuk kami menguasai setiap bahasa etnik yang berlainan untuk tujuan pendidikan.
Oleh sebab itu, Bahasa Malaysia digunakan untuk tujuan pendidikan Kristian. Pemilihan Bahasa Malaysia juga adalah selari dengan dasar pendidikan kebangsaan. Ia bukan seperti di Semenanjung Malaysia dimana penggunaan bahasa lain, seperti Bahasa Inggeris, Cina dan Tamil turut digalakkan.
Di Sabah dan Sarawak, selain Bahasa Inggeris yang turut digunakan di sesetengah pusat pembelajaran, Bahasa Malaysia tetap diutamakan terutamanya di kawasan pedalaman. Penggunaan Bahasa Malaysia ini bukan perkembangan baru, malah bahasa yang sama telah digunakan lebih satu ratus tahun yang lalu pada zaman penjajahan untuk tujuan bacaan doa serta penterjemahan kitab-kitab agama.
Jadi, apabila Alkitab kami ditahan kerana sebab bahasa, adakah ini bermakna kami perlu mengajar semula pengikut kami dengan bahasa yang berbeza? Situasi ini seperti satu keputusan dibuat dalam Negara di mana Bahasa Malaysia tidak boleh lagi digunakan, tentu sekali akan menyebabkan huru-hara. Begitu juga kesannya jika mahu dilihat daripada aspek keagamaan.
PD: Boleh anda jelaskan latar belakang dan juga perkembangan terbaru berkenaan kes penahanan kitab-kitab SIB oleh Kementerian Dalam negeri?
RDJD: Tentu sekali kami agak bimbang menerima penghakiman kes yang melibatkan the ‘The Herald’.
Kami tidak berniat untuk tidak menghormati pihak mahkamah, tetapi sebagai pimpinan Kristian, kami bimbang dengan tujuan dan penafsiran undang-undang yang dibuat berkenaan keputusan ini.
Kerisauan utama kami adalah implikasi yang akan berlaku terhadap kes SIB, terutamanya dalam aspek yang lebih luas, melibatkan kitab yang digunakan, cara pengajaran dan penyebaran agama Kristian.
Jadi cuba bayangkan kesan langsung terhadap kami sekiranya penafsiran keputusan kes Herald turut dikenakan terhadap keseluruhan penerbitan Kristian.
Buat masa ini kami menerima keputusan yang dibuat, tetapi penggunaan nama ‘Allah’ ini sangat penting. Kami cuma menggunaan ‘Allah’ dalam penterjemahan Bahasa Malaysia dan juga bahan-bahan lain yang diambil dari Indonesia, yang menggunakan Bahasa Indonesia.
Ini yang menyebabkan kerisauan kami. Bukan sekadar berkenaan Alkitab, tetapi juga melibatkan upacara Ibadah dan juga nyanyian, serta cara berkomunikasi bersama sidang jemaah kami.
SIB Sabah mempunyai lebih 120,000 anggota dengan lebih 500 gereja lokal. Jadi bayangkan sekiranya ada larangan, bagaimana kesannya terhadap kami di Sabah dan Sarawak. Teknologi moden yang digunakan sekarang bukan hanya melibatkan bahan bercetak, tetapi juga internet, telefon bimbit dan SMS. Amat sukar sekiranya ada larangan sebegini. Keputusan ini mungkin hanya diambil dengan mempertimbangkan perspektif dan persekitaran di Semenanjung Malaysia, dengan andaian Sabah dan Sarawak mempunyai suasana yang sama.
Tetapi andaian ini tidak tepat. Kami sangat berbeza, dari segi budaya dan cara dengan Semenanjung Malaysia.
Sekiranya berlandaskan Perlembagaan, kami sepatutnya mempunyai kebebasan dalam pengurusan agama kami. Namun, keputusan mahkamah kes The Herald menunjukkan sudah ada pembatasan yang dikenakan terhadap kami.
Perdana Menteri kita sendiri yang menerajui gerakan Global Movement of Moderates (GMM). Harus diakui, Sabah dan Sarawak mempunyai proses sejarah tersendiri di awal pembentukan Persekutuan Malaysia. Kita tidak boleh hanya mengambil kira proses sejarah yang berlaku di Malaya.
Masyarakat Kristian tidak bertujuan untuk menguasai mana-mana pihak. Apa yang kami harapkan ialah kita sepatutnya lebih beradab, dan bersederhana.
PD: Pernahkah isu serupa berlaku sebelum 2007? Atau adakah tahun 2007 merupakan titik mula keadaan menjadi lebih bermasalah?
RDJD: Sebenarnya tahun 2007 menjadi masa keadaan semakin bermasalah. Pada tahun 1986 ada penggazetan larangan penggunaan beberapa perkataan termasuk ‘Allah’ dan ‘Al-Kitab’, namun selepas beberapa siri perbincangan, larangan perkataan hanya terpakai untuk nama ‘Allah’.
Terdapat juga larangan penggunaan kata ‘Injil’ oleh Majlis Fatwa Sabah yang menyebabkan nama SIB (Sidang Injil Borneo) menjadi tidak sah.
Kes yang hampir sama juga pernah berlaku sebelum ini dengan larangan terhadap Al-Kitab yang dicetak di Korea.
Jadi persoalannya ialah bagaimana mahkamah akan membuat keputusan? Adakah hanya berdasarkan keutamaan kes-kes sebelum ini, atau ia akan mengambil kira sensitiviti agama masyarakat lain?
Permasalahan ini tidak pernah disebabkan kerana tindakan kami yang tidak menghormati agama lain. Secara tiba-tiba tanpa sebarang perbincangan untuk mencapai pemahaman yang sama, keputusan dibuat secara satu hala. Dalam hal ini, kami amat bimbang.
PD: Apakah pandangan anda tentang sebab disebalik terjadinya permasalahan ini? Adakah ia kerana Islam dimanipulasi untuk tujuan sentimen politik?
RDJD: Tentunya pada waktu itu terdapatnya perselisihan antara PAS dan UMNO, ini tidak dapat dinafikan. Ia merupakan realiti di Malaysia pada waktu tersebut.
Cuma, perkara yang amat mengecewakan ialah pihak agama lain turut terperangkap dalam pertembungan ini.
Saya turut berbincang dengan kawan-kawan beragama Islam yang bersimpati. Tetapi malangnya, mereka bukan pembuat keputusan. Ahli politik tetap pembuat keputusan. Sebagai rakyat Malaysia, sekiranya kita gagal mengawal cara kita berpolitik, maka politik kita hanya akan merosakkan Negara kita. Itu amat menyedihkan. Kita semua akan rugi. Semua rakyat Malaysia akan rugi.
Saya percaya, sebagai rakyat Malaysia yang berfikir, kita perlu berfikir dengan mendalam tentang hal ini, secara objektif bukan berasaskan sentimen. Kita perlu elak daripada menggunakan agama untuk tujuan politik. Ia tidak akan membantu.
Kaum dan agama perlu diasingkan daripada pertimbangan politik. Kita perlu belajar daripada Negara lain yang telah maju ke hadapan.
PD: Bagaimana anda melihat halatuju hubungan antara-Bumiputera? Adakah ruang untuk proses dialog untuk mencapai kata sepakat atau kefahaman bersama?
RDJD: Di Sabah dan Sarawak, tentu sekali sentimen masyarakat masih berlegar di sekitar isu kaum masing-masing. Baru-baru ini, kenyataan yang dibuat oleh Mufti Negeri mengatakan kaum Kadazan-Dusun adalah satu kumpulan rekaan (artificial) amat mengecewakan bagi masyarakat Kadasan-Dusun.
Kita sepatutnya belajar menjadi lebih toleran dan sensitif terhadap kaum lain. Itu yang amat saya harapkan. Tentu sekali di Sabah, terdapatnya gerakan untuk menjadikan seseorang itu Muslim, lalu menjadikannya Melayu. Malangnya, ini terkandung di dalam Perlembagaan, yang mentakrifkan Melayu seperti itu. Implikasi masa hadapan mungkin kurang baik.
PD: Pada pendapat saudara, mengapakah kes The Herald mendapat tumpuan yang lebih berbanding kes SIB?
RDJD: Ini disebabkan kes SIB tidak terlalu ditonjolkan, supaya isu ini tidak bertambah rumit. Kami menghadapi cabaran satu-persatu.
Kes SIB bukan hanya melibatkan isu Alkitab, tapi skop yang lebih luas berkenaan hak penduduk asal dan bahasa pembelajaran. Kesannya jauh lebih besar dan isunya jauh berbeza.
Pembentukan Malaysia memberi jaminan hak beragama. Persetujuan ini perlu dihormati. Kita tidak boleh membuat pentafsiran berdasarkan pemahaman kita hanya pada waktu ini. Kita perlu ambil kira pemahaman yang digunapakai semasa persetujuan itu dibuat.
PD: Kebimbangan utama dikalangan masyarakat Melayu ialah Bahasa Melayu yang digunakan akan menyebabkan lebih banyak orang Islam akan bertukar agama. Apa pandangan anda berkenaan hal ini?
RDJD: Jika kita lihat kepada statistik dalam negara, peningkatan jumlah bilangan penganut Islam memang jelas dan ketara. Malah sebagai seorang Kristian, kami sepatutnya merasa lebih terancam. Sudah ada bermacam perundangan yang melindungi masyarakat Islam daripada penyebaran agama lain. Kenapa masyarakat Islam perlu merasa terancam, sehinggakan sanggup mengganggu perasaan pihak agama lain?
Kita perlu hentikan sebarang gangguan terhadap perasaan penganut agama lain dan lebih menumpukan kepada bagaimana untuk menggalakkan sebuah masyarakat yang lebih toleran.
Contohnya, sekiranya saya melihat Islam dapat berkembang pesat berbanding dengan agama Kristian, saya akan mempersoalkan tindakan komuniti Kristian sendiri. Kita patut lebih melihat kepada diri sendiri, dan bukan menyalahkan pihak agama lain, yang boleh merosakkan keamanan masyarakat kita. Kita tidak sepatutnya pergi ke arah itu.
Agama merupakan pilihan individu. Pelbagai jenis undang-undang dapat dikuatkuasakan, tetapi jika saya percaya apa yang saya ingin percaya, perundangan tersebut hanya sia-sia. Jika dilihatkan kepada sejarah, masyarakat Kristian juga pernah menggunakan pelbagai jenis undang-undang yang langsung tidak memberi sebarang faedah kepada agama Kristian.
Kita tidak boleh menggunakan paksaan terhadap orang lain dalam hal agama. Kita hanya boleh menggalakkan dialog untuk memberikan pemahaman yang jelas tentang agama-agama lain.
PD: Kerajaan telah mengadakan pelbagai jenis usaha seperti Majlis Perundingan Nasional tentang Keharmonian Ugama (National Consultative Council on Religious Harmony) untuk tujuan perpaduan nasional. Apa pandangan anda berkenaan usaha-usaha seperti itu? Adakah ia akan menjelmakan hasil dan meningkatkan kefahaman antara satu sama lain?
RDJD: Bagi saya, kita sentiasa mempunyai niat dan keyakinan yang baik untuk menggalakkan keharmonian. Tetapi berdasarkan tindakan kerajaan, kita lihat bahawa mereka melakukan perkara yang bertentangan dengan tekad mereka untuk menggalakkan harmoni.
Jadi bagi kami kumpulan Kristian dan juga kumpulan agama lain yang merupakan minoriti, persoalannya ialah adakah kumpulan agama majoriti ikhlas untuk usaha ini?
Kami berasa sangat bimbang dengan tingkahlaku melampau dan ancaman yang diterima. Namun, pihak berkuasa tetap tidak mengambil sebarang tindakan. Jadi apa tindakan yang patut diambil oleh kumpulan minoriti seperti kami?
Kami mempersoalkan: adakah ini adil? Adakah kerajaan ikhlas dalam menganjurkan usaha ini atau sekadar untuk pertunjukan kepada orang ramai. Sekiranya kerajaan ikhlas, tentu sekali kami 100% menyokong usaha ini. Tetapi jika kerajaan hanya mangadakan ini untuk menunjuk, tiada siapa yang akan berminat.
PD: Bagaimana anda melihat masa hadapan kelompok minoriti untuk terus maju, sedangkan banyak petanda yang menunjukkan cabaran yang mendatang akan lebih susah?
RDJD: Kami tetap meneruskan usaha tanpa berputus asa. Saya dapat membayangkan bahawa ramai di kalangan majoriti yang senyap sebenarnya mempunyai rasa prihatin.
Kita mahukan masa depan yang lebih baik untuk Malaysia, satu masyarakat yang adil, di mana setiap warga diberikan rasa hormat secara saksama dan menerima faedah bersama daripada apa yang negara ini dapat bekalkan. Saya tidak merasakan ini hanya pandangan komuniti Kristian, tapi juga warga Malaysia yang lainnya, yang sebenarnya merupakan majoriti di negara ini.
Projek Dialog diwakili Ahmad Fuad Rahmat.
Dialog kehidupan, dialog rohani
Melayani Bersama
Selain bergelar mahasiswa di universiti, saya terlibat dengan aktiviti sampingan iaitu melakukan pelayanan di Persatuan Pelajar Katolik. Persatuan ini bukan di bawah universiti, tapi satu perkumpulan untuk pengisian rohani pelajar Sabah Sarawak yang berada jauh dari kampung halaman.
Kebanyakkan pelajar Sabah Sarawak yang melanjutkan pelajaran rata-rata kumpulan yang pertama kali berpijak di Semenanjung Malaysia. Dan mereka menghadapi pelbagai kejutan budaya dari segi bahasa, makanan, cara pembawaan diri dan juga agama.
Jadi untuk membuatkan mereka rasa seperti di kampung halaman, kami akan mengadakan pertemuan setiap minggu di rumah pelajar atau mengatur mereka ke gereja, membuat aktiviti menarik agar mereka tidak kesunyian dan terperap di bilik saja.
Sebagai jawatankuasa utama yang mengatur pelajar-pelajar ini setiap semester, banyak perkara baru yang saya belajar dari ahli-ahli dan para jawatankuasa. Walaupun kami berasal dari Sabah dan Sarawak, tetapi kami juga berbeza. Kami berasal dari pelbagai daerah, yang mana setiap daerah mempunyai etnik, bahasa ibunda, latar belakang, dan dibesarkan dengan cara berbeza.
Malah bunyi dan cara penggunaan bahasa Malaysia juga kadang-kadang berbeza mengikut daerah.
Seni Tinggal Bersama
Kami mempunyai 12 orang dalam rumah pelajar yang saya tinggal itu, dan kedua belas orang mempunyai pelbagai karenah. Ada yang berasal dari Miri, Kuching, Penampang, Tambunan, Ranau, Bundu Tuhan, Tuaran, dan banyak lagi daerah di Sabah dan Sarawak, dan kesemua mempunyai jalan cerita hidup yang menarik.
Pada mulanya, saya fikir walaupun kami dari Borneo maka kami boleh hidup bersama secara aman damai, tapi tidak semudah yang disangkakan.
Setiap orang ada gaya masing-masing dan untuk memahami mereka, dialog berupa perbualan semata-mata tidak akan membantu. Banyak kali kami melalui perdebatan, tidak sependapat, perkongasian dari hati ke hati, faham latar belakang dan rekonsiliasi supaya kami boleh tinggal dan melayani bersama.
Contohnya, setiap hari jumaat kami akan mengadakan aktiviti mingguan di mana pelajar akan datang ke rumah. Jadi, sebelum pelajar datang ke rumah, rumah itu haruslah bersih, tetapi orang rumah masih lagi bermain badminton di luar dan membiarkan orang yang sama membersihkan rumah. Saya pada masa itu, sudah sangat marah dan menjerit “hoi, takkan kami saja yang membersihkan rumah’? Dan seorang kawan cepat-cepat masuk dan mop rumah.
Contoh kedua, ada seorang lagi orang rumah, suara dia besar dan cara dia bercakap sentiasa macam marah walaupun sebenarnya dia tidak marah. Dan ada seorang kawan pula, dia pendiam dan lemah lembut, sekejap terguris hati dan menangis. Jadi apabila yang kawan ganas itu bercakap dengan yang lembut itu, si kawan yang lembut hati ini pandai sakit hati tidak tentu pasal.
Dan ada satu lagi kawan yang sentiasa positif, dia sentiasa memberi kata-kata kerohanian yang positif untuk memberi semangat kepada orang-orang rumah. Dia akan berkata begini, “kita tidak boleh sentiasa bergaduh sesama kita, kerana kalau kita sentiasa bergaduh bagaimana kita hendak melayani pelajar di luar sana”.
Dan jika rumah itu menjadi panas kerana ada orang rumah yang tidak ingin bertegur, maka akan ada seorang yang akan menyejukkan keadaan dan memfasilitasikan keadaan. Disini setiap orang harus menyatakan kepada semua, siapa yang dia tidak suka dan kenapa, lalu meminta maaf kepadanya. Dan orang yang saya pernah jerit semasa main badminton berkata, selama ini dia merasa sakit hati terhadap saya kerana saya sangat ganas.
Mendengar nama saya disebut, saya terkejut kerana selama ini saya langsung tidak pernah terfikir bahawa itu akan menjadi isu. Saya juga langsung tidak tahu bahawa tindakan saya itu akan memberi kesan. Selepas itu kami saling bermaafan.Dan yang suara besar itu pula, rupa-rupanya di kampung halaman mereka sekeluarga memang bercakap seperti itu. Kerana dia mempunyai keluarga yang besar dan banyak adik, jadi kadang-kadang sifat itu pun terbawa-bawa. Dan yang lemah lembut itu memang mempunyai keluarga yang lemah lembut, dan yang sentiasa positif itu pula memang selalu melayani di gereja di kampungnya dan aktif dalam pelayanan belia serta mempunyai kakak yang sekarang seorang biarawati / suster.
Dalam renungan saya, tanpa pertemuan dengan sesama secara terbuka dan jujur, kita tidak akan tahu mengapa dia begitu dan apa yang membuatkan dia begitu. Dan kerana itu, salah faham senang berlaku jika tidak ada dialog
Dialog dalam Kehidupan
Dan pembelajaran yang paling penting saya pelajari dari pengalaman itu ialah dialog.
Kita perlukan dialog dalam persahabatan, dalam komuniti dan apa lagi dengan mereka yang mempunyai budaya dan agama yang berbeza. Kita hidup di Malaysia memang sangat perlukan dialog. Kerana tak kenal maka tak cinta, dan bagamana kita ingin memahami antara satu sama lain kalau tidak ada dialog. Mengambil contoh diatas, jika kami tidak berdialog dan tidak bersikap terbuka dan jujur antara sesama, kami tidak akan dapat bekerjasama untuk melayani dalam persatuan dan susah untuk hidup bersama.Begitu juga dengan situasi di negara kita yang berbilang kaum dan agama. Dialog antara agama tidak semestinya kita harus duduk dalam keadaan formal dan berbual mengenai dogma dan agama semata-mata.
Tetapi langkah pertama ialah kita harus mempunyai kawan dari berlainan agama dan kenali mereka. Mengenali bukan dari mana mana media atau dari apa yang kita dengar, tapi mengenalinya dengan berbual dengan kawan kita sendiri, supaya dia boleh kongsi apakah maksud menjadi seorang Hindu, Islam, Kristian, Buddha atau agama tradisi. Ini supaya dia boleh berkongsi apa yang baik dan apa pengalaman mereka, kerana apabila kita mendengar dan berkongsi kita akan mengenali sesama dan akan menjumpai bahawa semua kita sedang melakukan perkara yang sama melalui cara yang berbeza, dengan simbol berbeza dan sebagainya. Tidak ada apa yang sensitif.Pernah sekali saya dan sekumpulan pelajar dan seorang paderi melawat Kuil Hindu di Johor. Kami dijemput untuk masuk, ternyata banyak simbol yang kami tidak faham, dan kami dibantu oleh imam untuk memberitahu apakah maksud disebalik simbol, tulisan dan patung dalam kuil itu.
Bukan itu sahaja, kami juga berpeluang untuk mengikuti sesi sembahyang mereka, melihat mereka menyanyi dan melihat orang-orang yang pergi sembahyang. Dari situ, saya mengetahui tentang mereka dan ini mengajar untuk menghargai dan melihat kebaikan mereka dan menjadi lebih ramah.Pertemuan antara satu sama lain
Semasa saya melayani dalam persatuan saya, pernah sekali saya mencadangkan idea yang sama iaitu untuk mengadakan lawatan ke surau berdekatan. Tapi idea saya itu tidak mendapat sambutan kerana sensitif dan takut nanti ada salah faham berlaku.
Ada yang mengatakan bahawa sedangkan iman sendiri tidak tahu apa lagi ingin belajar iman orang lain. Akan tetapi melalui pengalaman saya melawat Kuil Hindu itu tadi, melihat mereka bersembahyang dan belajar mengenai simbol dan kata-kata dalam kuil membuatkan saya sendiri ingin belajar lebih mengenai iman saya sendiri.Dan ini membuatkan saya untuk mengikuti kem dakwah Islam di universiti saya. Dalam aktiviti ini banyak aktiviti dijalankan seperti penyembuhan, pembangunan pasukan dan pembentukan rohani.
Apabila peserta tahu bahawa saya ini Kristian, maka banyak soalan yang mereka tanya kepada saya. Ternyata kebanyakkan mereka tidak pernah ada kawan dari Sabah dan seorang Kristian, jadi saya menjadi tumpuan untuk banyak soalan yang tulen yang bersifat bona fide.Antara pengalaman yang paling menyentuh ialah apabila kami duduk bersama dan makan dalam satu dulang yang besar, yang dipanggil makan setalam. Saya diberitahu bahawa budaya ini adalah untuk merapatkan hubungan sesama saudara dan kenalan.
Dalam kumpulan saya, kami bertiga makan setalam dan sambil itu suap sesama sendiri. Ini mengingatkan saya ekspresi “memecahkan roti” (Kisah Para Rasul 27:35).Yesus: Pelahap, Peminum, Sahabat Pemungut Cukai dan Orang Berdosa (Lukas 7:34 = Matius 11:19)
Bukan sahaja kita perlukan dialog antara agama, tetapi kita juga harus mempunyai dialog antara kelas.
Mengambil cerita zaman kehidupan Yesus yang lalu, dalam masyarakat yang terdapat halangan antara kelas, kaum atau agama, pemisahan dipertahankan dengan membuat pantang larang dalam pergaulan sosial. A nda tidak berkongsi makanan atau sebuah parti makan malam, anda tidak boleh meraikan, atau mengambil bahagian dalam hiburan, dengan orang-orang yang tergolong dalam kumpulan sosial yang berlainan. Di Timur tengah berkongsi makanan dengan seseorang adalah satu bentuk hubungan dan persahabatan yang sangat intim. Mereka tidak akan makan dan minum dengan orang yang mempunyai kelas lebih rendah daripada mereka.Apabila Yesus bergaul dengan orang-orang berdosa, ia merupakan satu skandal dalam masyarakat pada masa itu dan suatu tindakan yang tidak boleh diterima juga pada masa moden. Kerana ini bermaksud dia menerima mereka dan ingin menjadi kawan kepada pemungut cukai dan orang berdosa (Matius 11:19).
Ketika Yesus makan di rumah orang itu, banyak pemungut cukai dan orang berdosa makan bersama-sama dengan Dia dan murid-muridNya, sebab banyak orang yang mengikuti Dia (Markus 2:15). ‘Lelaki ini’, mereka berkata, ‘berhibur’ dengan orang berdosa dan berpesta bersama orang berdosa (Lukas 15:2). Dan Dia juga dianggap seorang pelahap dan peminum, sahabat pemungut cukai dan orang berdosa (Lukas 7:34; Matius 11:19) .Pesta atau makan malam tidak perlu dianggap sangat mahal, kerana persahabatan dan perbualan lebih penting daripada makanan. Majlis makan malam itu menjadi perkara biasa dalam kehidupan Yesus sehingga dia dituduh sebagai pemabuk dan pelahap.
Yesus mesti juga pernah menjemput Farisi dan orang kehormat yang lain untuk makan bersama dia. Kalau dia menjemput mereka (Lk 7:36; 11:37, 14:1) Yesus semestinya membalas dengan menjemput para Farisi ke rumahnya. Tapi bagaimankah para Farisi dan pengemis-pengemis boleh duduk dalam satu meja? Bukankah Farisi tersebut akan takut bahawa statusnya akan hilang dengan menerima jemputan ke jamuan makan itu?Perumpamaan tentang orang-orang yang berdalih
Mungkinkah perumpamaan tentang orang-orang yang berdalih itu (Lk 14: 15-24, Parable of the invited guests) adalah berdasarkan kejadian benar dalam kehidupan Yesus.
Adakah tetamu kehormat mula membuat alasan apabila dijemput oleh yesus dalam jamuan makan? Sehingga Yesus mengantar pengikut-pengikutNya untuk “pergi dengan segera ke segala jalan dan lorong kota” dan bawa “orang-orang cacat dan orang-orang buta dan orang-orang lumpuh” sehingga “ke semua jalan dan lintasan dan paksa orang-orang, yang ada di situ, masuk untuk memenuhi rumahNya”?Dan pengemis-pengemis juga berasa ragu-ragu pada mulanya dan orang-orang berdosa juga berfikir dua kali sebelum menjemput Yesus ke rumah mereka. Untuk mengatasi perbezaam sosial yeng tertanam dalam masyarakat itu, Yesus kadang-kadang terpaksa memaksa pengemis-pengemis untuk datang, dan menjemput dirinya sendiri ke rumah orang-orang berdosa. Lukas telah mengilustrasikan cerita itu dalam cerita Zacchaeus (19: 1- 10).
Makan Makan
Ini mengingatkan saya kembali pada tahun 2008 dan sebelumnya, ketika itu Presiden kami terkenal dengan selalu menganjurkan makan-makan di rumah pelajar kami. Dia akan menjemput, alumni, senior, ahli-ahli persatuan dan jawatankuasa untuk hanya dengan tujuan makan.
Dan pada tahun-tahun itu jugalah, saya melihat bahawa jawatankuasa begitu erat dan rapat antara sesama, ahli-ahli juga kerap datang ke rumah itu, dan alumni yang sudah bekerja selalu memberi sumbangan kewangan kepada persatuan pelajar kami dan pelayanan juga menjadi hidup.Jamuan makan makan sebegini memang memberi kesan besar. Pada masa Yesus, dengan menerima mereka sebagai kawan dan sama rata, Yesus telah menghilangkan rasa malu, hina dan perasaan bersalah mereka.
Perjumpaan fizikal di meja makan itu merasakan bahawa mereka diterima, dengan itu Dia telah menaikkan martabat mereka. Dan saya rasa itulah yang sedang dibuat oleh Bapa Suci pada 1hb Julai lalu, di mana beliau menjemput sekumpulan 200 individu yang tiada rumah untuk makan malam di Vatikan.1 Seperti yang pernah dikatakan oleh Ronald Reagen, “all great change begins at the dinner table”. ]]>Autonomi bermula dari akar umbi
[1]. Manifesto Pakatan Rakyat Sabah telah menyatakan bahawa mereka akan mengembalikan hak Sabah Sarawak seperti Perjanjian 1963. Juga mereka akan menghormati kedudukan Sabah dan Sarawak di dalam Persekutuan. Manakala terdapat hujah menyatakan bahawa SAPP dan STAR tidak boleh membawa pertukaran kerajaan, kerana selagi BN terus mengawal Parlimen dan Kerajaan Persekutuan, autonomi sebenar tidak akan berlaku. Mengikut Perlembagaan Persekutun, bidang kuasa Kerajaan Persekutuan dihuraikan dalam Bahagian 4 iaitu Senarai Persekutuan dan bidang kuasa Kerajaan Negeri pula dihuraikan dalam Bahagian 5 iaitu Senarai Negeri, dan terdapat juga Senarai Bersama yang menghuraikan perkongsian kuasa antara Kerajaan Persekutuan dan Kerajaan Negeri. Kerajaan Persekutuan memegang sebahagian besar berbanding Kerajaan Negeri, dimana antara bidang kuasa Kerajaan Persekutuan ialah pendidikan, pengangkutan, keselamatan dalam negeri, kewarganegaraan, kesihatan, dasar luar dan banyak lagi bidang berkepentingan dalam sebuah negara. Manakala untuk Kerajaan Negeri pula, bidang kuasa agak terhad iaitu tanah, perhutanan, dan Islam. Oleh itu, untuk membuat perubahan, pergerakan ini menyatakan “Undi Parlimen dengan Kepala; Undi ADUN dengan Hati. Undi Pakatan Rakyat untuk Parlimen; Undi parti tempatan untuk ADUN”. Sentimen ini wujud kerana bukan sahaja pembangkang sangat berpecah pelah, tetapi rakyat Sabah dari dulu lagi merasai penindasan dari Kerajaan Persekutuan yang dipimpin oleh UMNO/BN. Pergerakan ini melihat bahawa perubahan konkrit boleh dicapai dengan menukar Parlimen melalui Pakatan Rakyat. Pada masa yang sama, rakyat Sabah yang mempunyai agenda Borneo di hati masih boleh memilih parti tempatan untuk menguatkan dan menjadi semak dan timbang (check and balance) dalam pentadbiran tempatan. Walaupun hati rakyat Sabah adalah untuk agenda Borneo, tetapi pada masa sekarang rakyat Sabah diajak untuk berfikir secara matang dan bukan secara emosi. Apabila kempen ini berlangsung, ternyata ramai tidak tahu perbezaan antara Parlimen dan ADUN. Nampaknya kelemahan ini untuk juga memanipulasikan kebanyakkan orang kampung di pedalaman Sabah. Terdapat juga ramai pelajar yang tidak tahu apa bidang kuasa Parlimen dan ADUN, dan terus merasa tidak peduli untuk melibatkan diri dalam proses pembinaan negara. Bukan itu sahaja, hasil daripada latihan pendidikan kewarganegaraan yang saya ikuti pada tahun 2011, ramai yang tidak fasih (termasuk kerajaan tempatan) dengan bidang kuasa masing-masing. Jika saya mengundi untuk PR nanti, tidak bermakna saya setuju dengan mereka 100% kerana banyak lagi isu yang harus diperbaiki, salah satunya adalah pemilihan ahli majlis tempatan. Pemilihan ahli majlis tempatan harus dihidupkan semula supaya operasi pihak berkuasa tempatan lebih cekap dan telus. Kerana kebanyakkan masalah-masalah rakyat adalah berkenaan dengan isu-isu tempatan yang memberi kesan secara langsung kepada kehidupan rakyat seharian. Kerajaan tempatan pula adalah kerajaan yang paling dekat dengan rakyat, oleh itu yang paling mencabar sekali. Teringat saya seorang kawan wartawan yang membuat panggilan aduan mengenai longkang tersumbat di depan rumahnya setelah sekian lama. Dan semua jiran di tamannya yang hairan siapa yang membuat panggilan itu dan tepuk tangan kerana akhirnya satu masalah tempatan diselesaikan. Seperti yang dikatakan oleh seorang kawan, penipuan terbesar ialah apabila ada parti politik mengatakan bahawa ia boleh menyelamatkan Malaysia. Untuk memperkasakan rakyat adalah lebih daripada berpolitik semata-mata, kerana pembangunan bermula dari akar umbi. Autonomi haruslah bermula dari bawah dan sepatutnya bukan sahaja bergantung kepada parti politik atau ahli politik. Dan orang muda harus sedar bahawa perubahan bukan semuanya dari parti politik atau menjadi ahli politik. Ia bergantung kepada setiap rakyat untuk melibatkan diri dalam proses pembinaan negara secara kreatif. Jika rakyat tidak tahu hak mereka sendiri, maka senang untuk mana-mana parti politik untuk mendiskriminasikan rakyat sendiri. Selepas ini banyak lagi kerja harus dilaksanakan, seperti latihan pendidikan hak asasi manusia, latihan pendidikan kewarganegaraan dan kerja akar umbi di komuniti yang harus dilaksanakan secara konsisten dan bukan hanya menunggu tiba pilihanraya.
]]>Sulu: Hak-hak Pihak Dalam Pertikaian
Dr Mohd Faizal Musa
Institut Alam dan Tamadun Melayu (ATMA)
Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia
43600, Bangi, Selangor.
Pendahuluan
Pada 9 Februari 2013, Malaysia dikejutkan dengan laporan sekumpulan penceroboh yang memasuki perairan negara dengan menggunakan bot pancung. Kumpulan penceroboh tersebut berkumpul secara berperingkat di Felda Sahabat 17, Kampung Tanduo, Lahad Datu. Perkembangan pada 11 Februari 2013 menjadi semakin mendadak di mana semakin ramai penceroboh dikesan dan dikatakan mengenakan pakaian ala tentera dan bersenjata api. Perdana Menteri Malaysia, Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak pada 14 Februari 2013 dilaporkan berkata kerajaan Malaysia akan menggunakan perundingan untuk menangani isu pencerobohan tersebut. Pada hari yang sama juga Ketua Polis Negara, Tan Sri Ismail Omar memaklumkan polis mengenal pasti penceroboh tersebut adalah warga Filipina yang merupakan antara pewaris berketurunan Sultan Sulu dari Selatan Filipina. Dua hari kemudian, pada 16 Februari 2013, Menteri Dalam Negeri, Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Tun Hussein mengesahkan kumpulan penceroboh tersebut bukan kumpulan militan atau pengganas tetapi adalah ‘penyokong kuat Kesultanan Sulu’. Seterusnya pada 24 Februari 2013, Kerajaan Filipina menghantar sebuah kapal untuk memujuk kumpulan kira-kira 180 anggota tersebut supaya pulang ke Filipina. Namun pada 1 Mac 2013, pertempuran tercetus antara pasukan keselamatan dan kumpulan kecil penceroboh menyebabkan dua anggota pasukan keselamatan terkorban serta tiga lagi cedera (Sinar Harian, 2013). Insiden 1 Mac tersebut membawa kepada lebih banyak pertumpahan darah termasuk di Semporna, dan sehingga artikel ini ditulis, pertempuran antara pihak kerajaan Malaysia dan penceroboh (yang kemudian dirujuk oleh media sebagai pengganas) masih berjalan.
Peristiwa pencerobohan tersebut menimbulkan pelbagai spekulasi, andaian dan naratif sejarah mengenai Kesultanan Sulu. Gugusan kepulauan Sulu merangkumi Selatan Filipina, iaitu antara pulau Mindanao menganjur ke Sabah, Malaysia. Gugusan kepulauan ini didiami antara lain oleh kaum pagan, nomad laut iaitu Bajau, Samal dan etnik Taosug (Nicholas Tarling, 1978: 1). Masyarakat Taosug adalah etnik yang terbesar dikaitkan dengan Kesultanan Sulu dan merupakan penghuni kepulauan Jolo; ‘the Taosug (people of the current), the dominant ethnic group in the Sulu archipelago, are the sole residents of Jolo island, the historical seat of the Sultanate’ (James Francis Warren, 1985 xxi). Taosug adalah salah satu dari tiga belas kumpulan etno-linguistik beragama Islam yang menghuni pulau Mindanao dan beberapa pulau lain di Selatan Filipina, termasuk Sulu, Palawan, Basilan dan Tawi-Tawi sejak kedatangan Islam pada tahun 1280 menerusi pedagang dan pendakwah Arab (Cesar Adib Majul, 1999). Kaum Taosug, Maquindanao, Maranao, dan Sulu disatukan oleh agama Islam dan dinamai bangsa Moro. Populasi keseluruhan bangsa Moro adalah kira-kira 4.6 juta orang iaitu kira-kira lima peratus dari keseluruhan populasi Filipina (Ronald E. Dolan, 1991).
Sebahagian besar rekod sejarah mengenai Kesultanan Sulu memaparkan konflik dan persengketaan panjang antara kerajaan Sulu dengan penjajah Sepanyol dan Amerika Syarikat. Walaubagaimanapun, harus dinyatakan di sini polisi penjajah Inggeris menjadi penyebab kepada konflik yang berlaku hari ini iaitu antara Kesultanan Sulu, Filipina dan Malaysia:
The subject may nevertheless have a more direct contemporary value. Though Sulu’s contacts with Spain lasted for three centuries, British policy in the later nineteenth century was decisive in determining its fate. But some problems were not completely resolved. One was the claim to the Sabah territories which now form part of Malaysia. The other was the relationship of Sulu with the rest of the Philippines (Nicholas Tarling, 1978: 1-2).
Walaubagaimanapun artikel ini tidak berminat untuk mencebur ke dalam persoalan sejarah yang rumit. Objektif artikel ini adalah untuk, memberi perhatian kepada laporan, serta rungutan berkaitan hak-hak asasi manusia dan keadaan kemanusiaan yang terjadi ekoran pertikaian ini.
Adalah tidak dinafikan maklumat semasa dan terkini mengenai konflik ini sukar diperolehi, justeru adalah juga sulit untuk memantau keadaan kemanusiaan dalam wilayah konflik. Sebagai contoh sukar untuk menentukan salah benarnya dakwaan bahawa pihak berkuasa Malaysia melarang pasukan kemanusiaan dari Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) yang berusaha memasuki Lahad Datu untuk menemui ketua penceroboh, Agbimuddin Kiram. Menurut Nazif Ahmad Abdurahman, Datuk Bandar kota Simunul, Tawi-Tawi misi kemanusiaan mereka gagal memasuki Lahad Datu untuk berunding dan memujuk penceroboh; ‘upon reaching Sabah, the Malaysian authorities didn’t allow us to proceed to Lahad Datu. We were only allowed to stay in Kota Kinabalu, so we left the place two days ago’ (Julie Alipala, 2013).
Juga tidak ada satu cara untuk menentukan laporan media Filipina bahawa berlakunya kekerasan, dan tindakan di luar undang-undang dan peri kemanusiaan terhadap imigran Filipina, mahupun komuniti Taosug. Dalam satu laporan yang perlu dipandang serius, terdapat dakwaan bahawa hak-hak pihak dalam pertikaian, samada pihak langsung dan tidak langsung dalam keadaan krisis ini kurang dititik beratkan:
Jolo Mayor Hussin Amin told the Inquirer that he had spoken to many of the evacuees from Sabah and was told repeatedly of the alleged abuses by the Malaysian security personnel. “Soldiers and policemen stormed their houses and even those with legitimate working papers like passports and IC papers were not spared. These documents were allegedly torn down before their eyes. Men were told to run and were shot if they did. Those who refused were beaten black and blue. Filipinos inside the jail were executed,” he said. “We are asking our government to investigate now. Refugees from Sandakan and Sabah share [the same] ordeals. If indeed what they have been telling us is true, then Malaysian authorities were not just targeting the Kirams in Lahad Datu,” Amin added, according to the Inquirer. The Malaysian government repeated its stand yesterday that it will continue hunting down Sulu invaders in Lahad Datu until every single militant is flushed out of the country (Clara Chooi, 2013b).
Adalah sukar untuk menentukan kesahihan laporan di atas memandangkan media mengalami keterhadan keizinan untuk membuat laporan. Malaysia bagaimanapun menafikan dakwaan tersebut; ‘I think these are wild allegations, as I have personally verified with the police on matter at the said locations’, Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi selaku Menteri Pertahanan menganggapnya sebagai tuduhan tidak berasas (The Malaysian Insider, 2013a). Ketiadaan sumber langsung dalam konflik ini mengakibatkan keresahan dalam kalangan masyarakat sivil. Sebagai contoh Human Rights Watch menyatakan informasi benar dan jelas perlu dikemukakan supaya bantuan kemanusiaan dapat diusahakan kepada semua pihak dalam pertikaian; “Malaysian government should provide accurate and clear information on what has occurred”(ABN News, 2013a).
Walaupun kerajaan Malaysia enggan mengiktiraf pencerobohan dan kekacauan di Sabah tersebut sebagai perang, sebaliknya menanggapinya sebagai jenayah dan terorisme; hak-hak kumpulan dalam pertikaian seperti yang digariskan oleh International Council on Human Rights Policy untuk United Nation hendaklah tidak dicabul (The Malaysian Insider, 2013b). Hak-hak mereka dalam pertikaian adalah pelarangan pembunuhan pemberi maklumat dan mereka yang dikhuatiri pembelot, perosakan tanaman dan harta benda, pemaksaan pergerakan, penghadan pergerakan, intimidasi, penafian hak jurnalis mendapatkan berita dan maklumat yang benar, penggunaan media untuk tujuan stigma atau pemomokan, layanan buruk terhadap kanak-kanak, pemerkosaan wanita dan penahanan haram secara besar-besaran individu atau kumpulan yang dapat dikaitkan dengan konflik ini. Hak-hak kumpulan dalam pertikaian tersebut terpapar dalam kutipan di bawah:
The following list includes some of the most common human rights abuses attributed to armed groups: Arbitrary deprivation of the right to life. Includes killing or massacres of civilians, indiscriminate attacks leading to civilian deaths, killing of captured combatants, killing of suspected “informers”, “traitors” or independent critics (e.g. journalists), civilian deaths resulting from starvation and disease due to deliberate destruction of crops or withholding or preventing access to relief supplies.
Disregard for the protection owed to civilians caught up in conflict. Destruction of civilian property, (homes, crops, livestock), attacks on civilian buildings like hospitals and schools, or property with religious or cultural significance, disregard for protection owed to medical and religious personnel, interfering with delivery of relief supplies, attacks on humanitarian workers, blockades of civilian settlements. Interference with freedom of movement. Forced movement and deportation of people, expulsions of populations on grounds of racial, ethnic, or religious background, denying access to safety to internally displaced persons or refugees, or forcing them back into unsafe areas, detention of refugees or displaced persons.
Interference with freedom of expression, assembly and association. Preventing independent organisations from operating, banning meetings and gatherings, using fear and intimidation to silence critics, denying journalists access to areas, closing independent media, using media to spread hatred or to incite violence. Torture, ill-treatment. Torturing captured soldiers or suspected informers to extract information, holding prisoners in inhuman or degrading conditions, mutilations, beatings and other cruel punishments to sow fear, enforce orders, punish delinquents, or indoctrinate recruits, using villagers as forced labour.
Abuses against children. Forced separation from family, forced abduction into the armed group as combatants or labourers, deliberate denial of access to education, sexual abuse.
Abuses against women. Rape, abduction into forced prostitution or sexual slavery, reprisal attacks against family members, gender-based discrimination.
Arbitrary deprivation of liberty and due process. Mass detentions of suspect groups or populations, taking and holding of hostages, forced disappearance of persons, “trials” against informers withoutdue process (David Petrasek, 1999: 9-10).
Observasi di atas dapat dilakukan sebaik pihak penceroboh (atau pengganas) meletakkan senjata lantas membolehkan penilaian keadaan kemanusiaan.
Pandangan sihat The Malaysian Bar wajar dijadikan rujukan dalam hal di atas. Analisis The Malaysian Bar menyatakan tuntutan Kesultanan Sulu (atau Filipina) terhadap Sabah adalah tidak sah berdasarkan dua belas faktor atau hujah undang-undang. Namun demikian, dalam mempertahankan kedaulatan Malaysia dari sebarang pencerobohan atau keganasan militan luar, Malaysia masih perlu bertindak dalam batas undang-undang selain menghormati tanda aras antarabangsa untuk hak asasi manusia:
Just as Malaysia is insisting on the respect for its sovereign rights under international law, as is proper, it would also be correct for the Malaysian Government to honour and maintain its commitment to international humanitarian law and international human rights standards in its conduct of the conflict and treatment of any persons detained as part of the conflict, and to accord such persons due process of the law (ABN News, 2013b).
Pandangan tersebut sejajar dengan tuntutan Ban Ki Moon, Setiausaha Agung Pertubuhan Bangsa-bangsa Bersatu supaya konflik ini diselesaikan dengan dialog, dan menurut lunas undang-undang antarabangsa. Kebimbangan bahawa hak-hak asasi manusia tidak dipertahankan merupakan inti seruan badan antarabangsa tersebut; ‘all parties to facilitate delivery of humanitarian assistance and act in full respect of international human rights norms and standards’ (Akil Yunus, 2013).
Pihak Tidak Langsung
Selain hak pihak berkonflik yang dinyatakan di atas, hak-hak pihak yang terjejas secara tidak langsung juga perlu diambil kira. Sehubungan dengan itu, dalam keadaan krisis ini wajar ditekankan juga supaya hak-hak asasi 800,000 warga Filipina yang menetap dan bekerja di Sabah dipelihara dan diperhatikan menurut standar antarabangsa (Dennis Carcamo, 2013).
Dalam jumlah tersebut, terdapat juga kira-kira 45 ribu pelarian Filipina di Sabah yang melarikan diri dari konflik antara Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) dan New People’s Army (NPA) sepanjang dekad 1980an (United States Committee for Refugees, 2000). Pelarian Filipina di Sabah ini termasuklah pecahan bangsa Moro khususnya dalam konteks makalah ini, etnik Taosug yang terjejas kehidupan mereka ekoran konflik di Mindanao dan gugusan kepulauan yang lain. Hak-hak pelarian yang berdaftar dan tidak berdaftar dengan UNHCR ini harus dilindungi khususnya dalam situasi yang sensitif ini (Arzura Idris, 2012: 36). Hal ini penting kerana undang-undang di Malaysia tidak mempunyai apa-apa peruntukan mengenai pelarian, dan Malaysia juga tidak menandatangani Refugee Convention (1951); ‘Malaysia is not a party to the Refugee Convention nor does it recognise refugee status in its domestic instruments’ (Sara Dehm, 2012). Seperkara yang lain, Malaysia juga tidak meratifikasi International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).
Pada tahun 2009, Malaysia menduduki antara tangga terburuk untuk negara yang gagal menghormati dan melindungi hak-hak pelarian menerusi World Refugee Survey (Suara Rakyat Malaysia, 2009). Sebagai contoh pada tahun 2008, salah seorang penuntut takhta kesultanan Sulu, Sultan Esmail Kiram II telah ke Sabah untuk memohon supaya hak asasi warga Filipina yang bekerja di Sabah tidak dicabul oleh pihak berkuasa Malaysia:
With the looming crackdown on illegal entrants in Sabah, the Sultanate of Sulu rushed to Malaysia to appeal for humane treatment of thousands of Filipinos there. Sultan Esmail Kiram II, who has been in Malaysia since last week, has proposed to the State Government of Sabah to work with the governments of Kuala Lumpur and the Philippines to avoid the repeat of the 2001 deportation, where many of those affected experienced human rights violations (Julie Alipala, 2008).
Dakwaan layan buruk (maltreatment) dan pengusiran paksa (forced deportations) keluar warga Filipina khususnya dari komuniti Moro termasuk Taosug seperti di atas belum mendapat perhatian serius masyarakat antarabangsa (Julie Alipala & Michael Lim Ubac 2008). Terdapat dakwaan bahawa pengusiran paksa keluar ini mengakibatkan kondisi kemanusiaan yang sangat buruk (Glenda M. Gloria, 2013) di laut dan pulau-pulau Selatan Filipina.
Malaysia juga hendaklah berhati-hati mengendalikan krisis ini supaya etnik Taosug yang menghuni Sabah tidak terheret sama menjadi mangsa konflik atau mengalami diskriminasi dan pemomokan (stigmatization):
Two days ago, a MNLF leader had warned that the Lahad Datu standoff could widen into a civil war engulfing Sabah, since more than 8,500 Filipinos, mostly Tausugs or Suluk tribesmen, were residing in Sabah and potential supporters of the Sultanate of Sulu (The Malaysian Insider, 2013c).
Dalam keadaan terdesak untuk menamatkan krisis ini dengan segera, Malaysia masih perlu mengimbangi keperluan untuk memelihara kondisi kemanusiaan imigran mahupun rakyat Filipina yang mendiami Sabah.
We reiterate our call on the Malaysian government to give humane treatment to the Filipinos under their custody. The allegations are alarming and should be properly and immediately addressed by concerned authorities (Daniel Ten Kate dan Joel Guinto, 2013).
Permintaan Philippines Foreign Affairs Department di atas tidak boleh dipandang ringan. Tuduhan bahawa adanya tindakan di luar batas undang-undang ini dapat dibendung dan diakhiri jika pihak media, lokal dan antarabangsa diberi kemudahan dan bantuan untuk membuat laporan yang telus dan benar. Ini juga dapat memadam khabar angin dan naratif karut yang berkembang di laman maya.
Adalah dibimbangi, setelah konflik ini berakhir; luka-luka kemanusiaan dan kepahitan diplomatik (diplomatic bitterness) antara Filipina dan Malaysia berpanjangan. Tambahan pula kerajaan di kedua-dua buah negara boleh bertukar dan ia akan meletakkan kedua-dua negara dalam keadaan sulit. Harus diingat, kepahitan diplomatik ini boleh dimanipulasi oleh ejen luar sehingga terus menjejaskan kestabilan Malaysia seperti yang dialami antara Jepun-China-Korea.
Oleh kerana itu permintaan dan gesaan Pertubuhan Bangsa-bangsa Bersatu kepada Hussein Haniff, wakil Malaysia di Pertubuhan Bangsa-bangsa Bersatu supaya usaha menjamin hak-hak asasi manusia dilunasi, di samping menghindari lebih banyak pertumpahan darah, wajar diberi perhatian; ‘efforts should be made to ensure that human rights will be respected and loss of life will be prevented’ (Abigail Kwok, 2013). Ini adalah lojik dan relevan, kerana pengabaian kemanusiaan boleh memburuk dan memanjangkan konflik sedia ada.
Pemomokan
Dalam keadaan konflik, media massa perlu berhati-hati membuat laporan dan tidak menyebarkan pemomokan. Ini kerana sentimen terhadap etnik Taosug sudah sedia memburuk di Sabah. Laporan media seperti Utusan Malaysia yang memperincikan kematian anggota keselamatan di Semporna sebagai contoh dapat menyemarakkan sentimen kebencian, dan prasangka selepas konflik ini mereda:
Dalam satu pertempuran di Kampung Sri Jaya, Simunul malam semalam, enam anggota polis yang ditugaskan ke kampung tersebut sebaik menerima maklumat mengenai kumpulan penceroboh maut selepas diserang hendap. Lebih zalim, seorang anggota polis yang terperangkap ketika serangan hendap tersebut dipenggal kepalanya oleh tentera Kesultanan Sulu selepas ditawan tetapi identiti mangsa belum dapat disahkan. Seorang lagi mangsa iaitu Ketua Cawangan Khas Daerah (KCKD) yang berpangkat Asisten Supritendan maut selepas perut dirodok menggunakan senjata tajam dipercayai parang menyebabkan ususnya terburai (Mohd Asron Mustapha, 2013).
Dalam pada itu pemerhatian rambang dalam media atas talian mendapati kebanyakan rakyat Sabah menghubungkan krisis di Lahad Datu dengan Projek IC . Rata-rata rakyat Sabah berasa takut dan khuatir dengan kemungkinan etnik Taosug dalam kalangan orang Filipina yang telah mendiami Sabah akan bersekongkol dengan Kesultanan Sulu untuk mencetuskan huru-hara. Prasangka dan sentimen terhadap ‘orang Filipina’ rentetan Projek IC boleh mengundang kepada pencabulan hak asasi manusia tanpa batas. Dua contoh laporan di bawah menunjukkan pemomokan dan prasangka yang sudah tertanam dalam fikiran segelintir rakyat Malaysia di Sabah:
The lecturer said “Project IC” — where citizenship was allegedly granted to illegal immigrants in Sabah through irregular means — was “definitely related” to the situation now, adding it was “the root” of the problem. He said Sabahans are used to the existence of foreigners in the state, but said that “with such a standoff… the fire has started.” “I am afraid with the numbers because they might attack us anytime. We are surrounded by them, those with identity cards plus (the) standoff group (Ida Lim, 2013).
“The Filipinos here will help their own people,” said Zaini, who is a Bajau born in Semporna.“They should be helping us. But they are just keeping quiet, like they want to take over our state,” added the 29-year-old. He pointed out that the Filipinos in the state capital sell handicraft, salted fish and cigarettes, besides running other businesses in their own “Filipino market” here. Zaini expressed frustration at undocumented Filipinos being allowed through checkpoints during a recent journey from Semporna to Kota Kinabalu. “I don’t know if they give bribes,” he said. He added that “Project IC” has enabled foreigners to create chaos in the country. Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, Malaysia’s longest-serving prime minister who was in power from 1981 to 2003, has been accused of spearheading the so-called “Project IC”, in which citizenship was allegedly given to immigrants for their votes (Boo Su-Lyn, 2013).
Dalam disiplin sosiologi, sarjana hak asasi manusia menggariskan ciri-ciri masyarakat yang terjadinya pemomokan (stigmatization). Pemomokan ini berlaku ketika i) ahli masyarakat yang dominan bertindak membeza dan melabel kumpulan tertentu; ii) pelabelan dalam konteks ini adalah etnik Taosug-Sulu, yang ditanggapi sebagai ‘individu atau kumpulan yang tidak dikehendaki’; iii) seterusnya pihak atau sasaran yang dilabel mengalami pengasingan; iv) di mana pengasingan itu, membawa kepada pihak yang dilabel kehilangan status dalam masyarakat secara tidak adil (Bruce G Link & Jo C Phelan 2001: 363).
Etnik Taosug warga Malaysia yang sememangnya sudah mendiami Sabah perlu dilindungi dan tidak dimomoki. Ini kerana krisis yang berlaku adalah antara sekumpulan Taosug dari Filipina yang mendakwa mewakili Kesultanan Sulu, dengan kerajaan Malaysia. Kedua-dua komponen iaitu Taosug warga Malaysia dengan Kesultanan Sulu meski saling berhubungan adalah tetap dua komponen berbeza. Adalah dikhuatiri pemomokan yang tidak dikawal terhadap etnik Taosug hari ini akan membawa kepada ketidakstabilan masyarakat Sabah di masa mendatang. Ini kerana etnik Taosug dan lain-lain etnik dari Filipina telah membanjiri Sabah sejak tahun 70an:
Malaysian police and security forces have separated the Tausugs from the rest of the Filipino ethnic groups but added that they have not been harmed or threatened. She said she did not know the reason why they are segregated according to ethnicity. The Tausugs are the dominant ethnic group of Sulu and Tawi-Tawi but some Maguindaoans, Yakans and Samals have also established residences in many parts of Sabah. At least 400,000 Filipinos in Sabah are reportedly undocumented. They were part of the exodus from Mindanao during the height of the Moro insurgency in the 1970s. Most of them are either into trading or working as farm workers in palm oil plantations (Edwin Espejo, 2013).
Dalam disiplin hak asasi manusia pelabelan dan prasangka yang melampau boleh menjurus kepada pencerobohan hak-hak asasi individu dan komuniti yang serius. Sebagai contoh apabila berlakunya peristiwa serangan kumpulan al-Qaeda terhadap World Trade Centre, New York pada 11 September 2001, komuniti Islam telah mengalami pelabelan, prasangka, pemomokan dan akhirnya pencabulan hak yang berterusan (Carenlee Barkdull et al, 2011).
Lantaran konflik ini berpotensi untuk memburuk, penglibatan masyarakat sivil untuk memantau keadaan diperlukan. Sebagai contoh, The Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) kini menuntut perhatian Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) untuk membantu menjadi orang tengah dalam konflik ini (Roel Pareño & Edith Regalado 2013). The Ateneo Human Rights Center (AHRC) yang berpusat di Ateneo University, Filipina turut memantau dan melaporkan keadaan hak asasi manusia terkait konflik di Sabah ini (InterAksyon, 2013). Di pihak Malaysia, adalah perlu sebuah badan bebas turut mengawasi keadaan hak asasi pihak yang sedang dalam pertikaian. Malaysia sebagai misalan boleh juga memanggil kembali kumpulan International Contact Group (ICG) yang telah memantau proses perjanjian antara kerajaan Filipina dan Barisan Pembebasan Islam Moro (Moro Islamic Liberation Front atau MILF) pada tahun 2012. Pemerhati ICG terdiri daripada empat negara iaitu United Kingdom, Arab Saudi, Turki dan Jepun. Ia juga memuatkan empat pertubuhan antarabangsa iaitu Conciliation Resources (UK), Center for Humanitarian Dialogue (Switzerland), Asia Foundation (US), dan Muhammadiyah (Indonesia). Kebolehan dan citra baik Malaysia dalam menentukan perjanjian komprehensif mengenai penubuhan negeri Bangsamoro dicapai pada hujung tahun 2012 wajar diterjemahkan sekali lagi. Ingatan Setiausaha Agung Pertubuhan Bangsa-bangsa Bersatu supaya hak-hak asasi pihak dalam pertikaian tidak dicabul dan dijaga mestilah diambil kira. Adalah penting kedaulatan Malaysia terjaga, tetapi dalam masa yang sama juga, hak-hak pihak dalam pertikaian dipelihara menurut standar antarabangsa.
RUJUKANABN News. 2013a. Lahad Datu: Malaysia must ensure full respect of international human rights norms. 11 Mac. ABN News.http://news.abnxcess.com/2013/03/human-rights-watch-malaysia-must-ensure-full-respect-of-international-human-rights-norms/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=human-rights-watch-malaysia-must-ensure-full-respect-of-international-human-rights-norms
ABN News. 2013b. Bar Council calls on Malaysian security forces to observe laws and human rights. 11 Mac. ABN News. http://news.abnxcess.com/2013/03/bar-council-calls-on-malaysian-security-forces-to-observe-laws-and-human-rights/
Alipala, J. &. Ubac, M.L. 2008. For deported Filipinos it’s Sabah or bust. 24 Julai. Philippine Daily Inquirer. http://globalnation.inquirer.net/news/news/view/20080724-150309/For-deported-Filipinos-its-Sabah-or-bust.
Alipala, J. 2008. Sulu sultanate seeks humane treatment of Filipinos in Sabah. 19 Julai. Inquirer Global Nation. http://globalnation.inquirer.net/news/breakingnews/view/20080719-149474/Sulu-sultanate-seeks-humane-treatment-of-Filipinos-in-Sabah.
Alipala, J. 2013. PH humanitarian team banned from Lahad Datu. 3 Mac. Inquirer Global Nation.http://globalnation.inquirer.net/66393/ph-humanitarian-team-banned-from-lahad-datu.
Arzura Idris. 2012. Malaysia and forced migration. Intellectual Discourse 20 (1): 31-54.
Barkdull, C. & Khaja, K. & Tajalli, I.Q. & Swart, A. & Cunningham, D. & Dennis, S. 2011. Experiences of Muslims in four western countries post–9/11. Affilia: Journal of Women and Social Work 26(2): 139-153.
Carcamo, D. 2013. Drilon: PNoy on top of Sabah situation. 4 Mac. PhilStar.com. http://www.philstar.com/nation/2013/03/04/915714/drilon-pnoy-top-sabah-situation
Cesar Adib Majul. 1999. Muslims in the Philippines. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.
Chooi, C. 2013a. Manila now says up to Malaysia to handle Sulu militants. 4 Mac. The Malaysian Insider.http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/manila-seriously-studying-sulu-sultans-sabah-claims-says-aquino-spokesman/.
Chooi, C. 2013b. Filipino refugees claim of police brutality in Sulu roundup. 10 Mac. The Malaysian Insider.http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/filipino-refugees-claim-of-police-brutality-in-sulu-roundup/
Dehm, S. 2012. Sovereignty, protection and the limits to regional refugee status determination arrangements. Merkourios 28 (75): 53-60.
Dolan, R.E. 1991. Philippines: A Country Study. Washington DC: GPO for the Library of Congress.
Espejo, E. 2013. Pinoys in Sabah afraid claim they’re segregated. 5 Mac. Rappler. http://www.rappler.com/nation/23084-pinoys-in-sabah-afraid-claim-they-re-segregated.
Gloria, G.M. 2013. The forgotten problem of Sabah’s halaw. 4 Mac. Rappler. Penerbitan semula wawancara pada tahun 2002 di Newsbreak. http://www.rappler.com/newsbreak/23009-the-forgotten-problem-of-sabah-s-halaw%20%20.
Interaksyon. 2013. Ateneo HR center Dissapointed With Insensitive Government Handling of Sabah Row. Interaksyon.com.http://www.interaksyon.com/article/56172/ateneo-hr-center-disappointed-with-insensitive-govt-handling-of-sabah-row.
Kate, D.T. & Guinto, J. 2013. Philippines Asks M’sia to Clarify Sabah Abuse Reports. 11 Mac. Bloomberg. http://www.businessweek.com/news/2013-03-11/philippines-calls-on-malaysia-to-clarify-report-of-sabah-abuse
Kwok, A. 2013. UN’s Ban meets Malaysian envoy on Sabah HRW urges acccess to humanitarian aid respect for rights. 9 Mac. Inter-Aksyon.com.http://www.interaksyon.com/article/56693/uns-ban-meets-malaysian-envoy-on-sabah-hrw-urges-acccess-to-humanitarian-aid-respect-for-rights
Lim, I. 2013. Security crisis shows Project IC still haunts Sabah say analysts. 4 Mac. The Malaysian Insider. http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/security-crisis-shows-project-ic-still-haunts-sabah-say-analysts/.
Link, B & Phelan, J. 2001. Conceptualizing stigma. Annual Review of Sociology 27 (3): 363-385.
Mustapha, M.A. 2013. Serangan besar-besaran. 4 Mac. Utusan Malaysia Online. http://www.utusan.com.my/utusan/Dalam_Negeri/20130304/dn_05/Serangan-besar-besaran#ixzz2MdTQrH1k
Pareño, R. &. Regalado, E. MNLF urges OIC UN to intervene in Sabah. 4 Mac. The Philippine Star. http://www.philstar.com/headlines/2013/03/04/915534/mnlf-urges-oic-un-intervene-sabah.
Petrasek, D. 1999. Ends & Means: Human Rights Approaches To Armed Groups. Switzerland: International Council on Human Rights Policy.
Sinar Harian. 2013. Kronologi Pencerobohan di Lahad Datu. http://www.sinarharian.com.my/nasional/kronologi-pencerobohan-di-lahad-datu-1.135824
Suara Rakyat Malaysia. 2009. World Refugee Survey 2009: Malaysia is Worst Place for Refugees- Again. Suaram. 21 Jun. http://suarampg.blogspot.com/2009/06/world-refugee-survey-2009-malaysia-is.html
Su-Lyn, B. 2013. Tourism drop food stock-up in KK amid Sabah deadly clashes. 5 Mac. The Malaysian Insider.http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/tourism-drop-food-stock-up-in-kk-amid-sabah-deadly-clashes/
Tarling, N. 1978. Sulu And Sabah: A Study of British Policy Towards the Philippines and North Borneo From the Late Eighteenth Century. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press.
The Malaysian Insider. 2013a. Brutality claims just wild allegations says Zahid Hamidi. The Malaysian Insider. 11 Mac. http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/brutality-claims-just-wild-allegations-says-zahid-hamidi/
The Malaysian Insider. 2013b. Nazri Sabah Skirmishes Not War Sulu Militants to Be Charged With Murder. The Malaysian Insider.http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/nazri-sabah-skirmishes-not-war-sulu-militants-to-be-charged-with-murder/.
The Malaysian Insider. 2013c. End Sabah Clash in Brotherly Way MNLF Warna Putrajaya. The Malaysian Insider. http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/end-sabah-clash-in-brotherly-way-mnlf-warns-putrajaya/.
United States Committee for Refugees and Immigrants. 2000. U.S. Committee for Refugees World Refugee Survey 2000 – Philippines. 1 Jun. UNHCR. http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/3ae6a8d117.html.
Warren, JF. 1985. The Sulu Zone 1768-1898: The Dynamics of External Trade, Slavery, and Ethnicity in the Transformation of a Southeast Asian Maritime State. Quezon City: New Day Publishers.
Yunus, A. 2013. Lahad Datu: Ban Ki-moon calls for swift, peaceful end to Sabah intrusion. 7 Mac. New Straits Times. http://www.nst.com.my/latest/font-color-red-lahad-datu-font-ban-ki-moon-calls-for-swift-peaceful-end-to-sabah-intrusion-1.230317
]]>Pandangan Anthroposentrik terhadap kemelut Sabah
Tanah Itu Kehidupan
Kes Bato Bagi v. Kerajaan Negeri Sarawak1merupakan kes mengenai Orang Asal Sarawak yang mana tanah adat mereka telah ditenggelami oleh empangan Bakun. Dan kemusnahan tanah adat mereka melanggar hak mereka untuk hidup2 dan hak untuk berharta3. Orang Asal kalah dalam kes ini, dan bekas Ketua Hakim negara Zaki Azmi mengatakan bahawa hanya NGO yang inginkan Orang Asal tinggal di hutan, dan Orang Asal harus di bawa keluar dari hutan untuk menikmati pembangunan seperti rakyat Malaysia yang lain. Kenyataan beliau menunjukkan bahawa terdapat ketidakfahaman akan budaya orang asal yang menganggap hutan, tanah, sungai dan segala ciptaan merangkumi seluruh kehidupan, identiti, spiritualiti orang asal.
Semasa kami membuat lawatan ke empangan Bakun, kami berpeluang untuk melihat empangan itu sebelum ia dipenuhi air. Ketika berdiri diatas tembok pemisah empangan, saya terkejut melihat pemandangan kawasan di dalam empangan tersebut yang hijau, berbukit bukau, dan tidak percaya bahawa kawasan itu bakal ditenggelami oleh empangan sebesar saiz Singapura. Pada mulanya, saya tidak dapat membuat hubungan antara pembinaan empangan tersebut dengan kesan kepada kehidupan, sehinggalah kami sampai ke perkampungan Orang Ulu Kenyah Badeng di tengah-tengah kawasan pedalaman Bintulu yang bernama Long Lawen.
Saya terkejut apabila tahu di tengah-tengah hutan belantara terdapat sekumpulan manusia yang hidup serasi dan secara intim dengan alam. Mereka bagaikan tidak kelihatan kerana mereka memang pun sebahagian daripada hutan belantara itu. Kami mendapati bahawa komuniti ini enggan untuk berpindah ke lokasi penempatan semula yang diberikan oleh kerajaan, dan mereka memilih untuk berpindah ke tanah nenek moyang mereka kerana tanah lama mereka telah dibanjiri oleh pembinaan empangan Bakun. Empangan Bakun itu memang satu neraka bagi orang asal tersebut, kerana ia telah memecahkan komuniti, mencipta kemusnahan, mencuri kehidupan, memori, budaya, dan identiti mereka.
Cerita yang sama juga berlaku di Kg. Tampasak apabila mereka dipindahkan untuk memberi jalan kepada empangan Babagon. Masalah yang timbul seperti, perubahan dalam penggunaan tanah dan sumber yang menyebabkan kehilangan kawalan tanah, penurunan nilai-nilai tradisional, perubahan struktur komuniti, ramai wanita menjadi pekerja kilang, warga tua duduk diam di rumah sahaja kerana tiada tempat menanam, perbezaan hubungan jantina menjadi ketara, anak muda kurang pengetahuan tradisi dan banyak lagi. Selepas 10 tahun tinggal di tempat pemindahan penduduk kampung, mereka menjadi tidak tentu arah dan takut untuk masuk ke kampung asal untuk bertani, maka alkohol menjadi penenang jiwa dan membawa pergaduhan, kemiskinan melanda, kecurian bertambah, kematian akibat jenayah pun ada. Selepas 10 tahun lagi orang mula berani masuk walaupun ada tanda larangan, kerana mereka percaya mereka masih ada hak atas tanah dikawasan tadahan itu. Dan amalan nenek moyang mereka tidak memudaratkan alam sekitar malahan menjaganya.4
Pertempuran dengan Alam adalah Pertempuran dengan Manusia
Pada minggu lalu saya berpeluang untuk mengikut Persidangan Kebangsaan Alam Sekitar yang dianjurkan oleh Transparency International. Melalui persidangan itu, banyak perkongsian dibuat dari NGO dan aktivis alam sekitar dan semua perkongsian itu mempunyai satu corak yang sama. Iaitu pencerobohan, eksploitasi, kemusnahan, menggugat keharmonian, dan ancaman. Corak itu memberi kesan kepada orang asal, alam sekitar dan menyebabkan kemiskinan dan perpecahan.
Bercakap mengenai ancaman, aktivis SADIA5, Tambi Geram dan Matek Maxi Geram ditangkap oleh polis dan dihadapkan ke Mahkamah Majistret di Mukah pada awal tahun ini. Kesalahan mereka adalah menghentikan pembalakan haram di tanah mereka sendiri dan mempertahankan tanah dan alam sekitar. Matek dikenali sebagai pembela hak Tanah Adat Orang Asal (NCR). Taktik intimidasi sebegini adalah sistem yang digunakan untuk melenyapkan suara-suara yang menentang ‘pembangunan’, dan menakutkan yang lain agar tidak cuba untuk menentang syarikat-syarikat yang pentingkan keuntungan semata-mata.
Contohnya, Pengerusi Jawatankuasa Bantahan Empangan Kaiduan, Nousi Giun pernah diekori oleh dua orang yang tidak dikenali.6 Pekerja syarikat perusahaan kelapa sawit diiringi oleh gangster bersenjatakan pedang samurai, batang besi, kayu dan parang datang dan menakutkan komuniti di desa.7 “Kes Rogol Wanita Penan’, di mana pekerja-pekerja syarikat mengeksploitasi dan mengambil kesempatan terhadap wanita Penan.8 Kelesau Naan, tuai rumah sebuah perkampungan Penan, Long Kerong yang hilang dipercayai dibunuh kerana mempertahankan orang kampungnya dan tanah adat mereka.9 Dan, Bruno Manser, seorang aktivis alam sekitar asal Swiss yang terkenal dengan pemeliharaan hutan hujan tropika dan perlindungan orang asal juga hilang dan akhirnya dianggap mati.10 Pada awal tahun ini juga kita melihat kesedihan yang menimpa Sabah akibat kematian 14 gajah Pygmy Borneo akibat daripada pencerobohan kepada habitat mereka oleh syarikat kelapa sawit.
Di atas merupakan contoh-contoh pencerobohan alam sekitar yang telah banyak diperkatakan, tetapi realitinya pencerobohan ini adalah sangat sukar untuk memisahkan pertempuran alam sekitar dari segala-galanya. Pertempuran alam sekitar adalah pertempuran kehidupan kerana setiap asas kepada setiap aktiviti ekonomi ialah sungai, tanah hutan dan kepelbagaian diversiti. Dan penglibatan pertempuran boleh dilihat dari petani, sehingga ke kerajaan, syarikat multi nasional dan kuasa-kuasa lain.
Kita Adalah Bumi
Tubuh manusia bergantung tidak hanya pada bumi, tapi juga seluruh alam semesta seperti yang dikatakan oleh Judy Cannato,
“Air dalam tubuh anda mengandungi hidrogen yang sedia ada terbentuk di saat pertama fenomena Big Bang. Atom Karbon yang membentuk anda datang bersama-sama selepas letupan supernova. Kepekatan garam dalam badan anda sepadan dengan kepekatan garam dalam laut purba. Sel-sel anda adalah keturunan secara langsung dari organisma yang berkembang berbilion-bilion tahun lalu. Ada boleh melihat kerana molekul klorofil bermutasi, sehingga seperti daun tumbuhan, mata anda boleh menangkap cahaya dari matahari. Dan di dalam rahim ibu anda tubuh kecil anda mengulangi seluruh proses kehidupan pelbagai selular di bumi, bermula dengan satu sel, dan kemudian mengembangkan kompleksiti yang lebih besar.”
Oleh itu, bumi adalah sebahagian daripada lanjutan tubuh badan kita. Penindasan kepada bumi bermaksud penindasan kepada manusia dan segala makhluk hidup di bumi. Kita telah dilatih untuk berfikir bahawa empayar manusia lebih berkuasa daripada makhluk lain (i.e. hutan, sungai, binatang) dan dengan bahasa itulah yang telah digunakan untuk mengeksploitasi bumi, membunuh hutan dan mengambil tanah daripada orang asal. Itu adalah pemikiran anthropocentric, bermaksud segala-galanya adalah berpusatkan kepada manusia dan makhluk lain tidak dipedulikan. Pemikiran anthropocentric secara langsung menyebabkan eksploitasi bumi, pemikiran ini juga menyumbang kepada kemusnahan bumi dan kemusnahan ini dinamakan sebagai pembangunan dan kemajuan. Saya hairan mengapa setiap kali ada bangunan seperti kompleks membeli belah kita panggil ia pembangunan dan kemajuan. Dan orang asal yang tinggal di hutan dilabelkan sebagai mundur, kotor dan tidak bertamadun. Doktrinasi ini sangat kuat sehingga ramai anak Sabah Sarawak yang malu jika dikatakan tinggal di atas pokok, dan bangga mempunyai kompleks membeli belah. Pemahaman asas tentang identiti kita telah dipertaruhkan.
Kita mewarisi pemikiran kolot berbentuk patriaki yang bersifat kapitalis, dan memberi kita andaian pertama bahawa alam adalah mati apabila ia sebenarnya hidup. Keduanya, pemikiran ini memaksa kita mengisytiharkan bahawa alam itu mati untuk mengisytiharkan empayar manusia ke atas alam semula jadi. Ini bermakna semua spesis boleh dihancurkan dan manusia boleh ditindas. Ini merupakan pandangan dunia yang mekanistik kerana tidak dapat melihat hubungan bahawa kitaran hidupan manusia dan alam sekitar adalah berkaitan. Dan pemikiran mekanistik ini telah menjadi buta kepada kepelbagaian diversiti dan sifat kemanusiaan yang saling melengkapi.
Kehendak Kuasa Patriarki
Peranan pusat kuasa patriarki masih mendominasikan landskap manusia. Kebanyakan bentuk kerajaan politik, sistem ekonomi semasa, institusi agama, dan struktur asas sosial budaya (iaitu keluarga) masih bersifat patriarki. Pendekatan yang digunakan adalah dari atas ke bawah, dan orang yang berada di atas cenderung untuk menjadi lelaki yang dominan. Dan kebanyakkan wanita juga ditarik oleh pemikiran patriaki yang mempunyai keinginan untuk berkuasa, menakluk dan mengawal.
Struktur politik, seperti konsep negara bangsa (nation state) dan syarikat-syarikat mega sangat penting untuk tugas patriaki supaya terus mengamalkan konsep pecah dan perintah. Jika dilihat sejarah, sains politik telah mula disediakan sejak zaman Yunani klasik, terutamanya oleh Plato dan Aristotle. Kota Yunani (Greek polis) melambangkan badan yang memperkumpulkan warga rakyat yang terkemuka untuk membantu untuk mengawal dan mengatur kehidupan sosial bagi pihak rakyat. Di tengah-tengah organisasi ini adalah Raja, yang mana bukan sekadar pemerintah empayar duniawi, tetapi juga diakui secara meluas sebagai wakil utama Tuhan di bumi yang memerintah dari atas langit.
Politik, dalam asal-usul kuno, adalah buatan agama. Ia dipimpin oleh Tuhan yang sama iaitu Tuhan bersifatkan patriaki. Perbezaan antara suci dan sekular, antara Gereja dan Negara, adalah tidak kelihatan sebelum era Kristian. Dan semua masyarakat patriarki dicirikan oleh sistem kekeluargaan lelaki di mana lelaki dikira sebagai kaum kerabat kerana mereka adalah keturunan dari nenek moyang lelaki yang sama. Kuasa bapa (paternal authority) adalah prinsip yang memerintah susunan sosial, di mana bapa sering dilihat sebagai lambang pihak berkuasa dan penguakuasaan bapa dan pemimpin politik adalah sangat berkait rapat.
Negara Bangsa
Hari ini, tadbir urus manusia, yang masih berkonsepkan patriaki, dipermudahkan secara rasmi melalui Negara Bangsa, sebuah unit politik yang digambarkan pada zaman Yunani purba, dan dipromosikan pada zaman Roman, tetapi struktur ini tidak mempunyai kepentingan sehingga abad ke-17 di Eropah – selepas Perdamaian Westphalia pada tahun 1648. Hari ini sering diperkatakan bahawa asal-usul negara boleh didapati dalam pembangunan dan perkembangan seni peperangan. Komuniti politik moden berhutang budi keatas peperangan yang berjaya kerana melalui peperanganlah mereka wujud. Akibatnya negeri-negeri yang baru, dipaksa untuk mengatur pada prinsip-prinsip ketenteraan.
Hari ini, terdapat andaian bahawa negara bangsa merupakan alat urus tadbir yang paling effektif dan boleh dipercayai. Tetapi terdapat jutaan ramai orang yang langsung tidak sedar bahawa latar belakang keganasan tentera yang membawa kepada pembentukan negara moden, dan juga mencipta sempadan tiruan yang menyebabkan banyak masalah mengelilingi kebanyakkan negara. Negara bangsa merupakan institusi yang bermasalah besar dan telah membuktikan banyak ketidakpuashatian dan konflik. Ia berkembang berdasarkan kekuasaan dan pengaruhnya dikekalkan oleh sekumpulan minoriti yang berkuasa di mana majoritinya didominasikan oleh lelaki.
Satu lagi keterbatasan Negara Bangsa adalah pandangan anthropocentric nya yang berat sebelah. Negara berminat dalam kebajikan rakyatnya, ia wujud kononnya untuk berkhidmat kepada keperluan rakyat. Dan hal ini bercanggah dengan pandangan bahawa ciptaan material adalah untuk manfaat semua manusia, dan bersetuju bahawa wujud kemusnahan alam. Dan kerana Negara Bangsa (dengan pandangan anthropocentric nya yang berat sebelah ) hanya memberi prioriti kepada manusia dan keperluannya. Dengan peredaran masa, ini diterjemah kepada hanya memberi prioriti kepada yang berkuasa dan yang kaya, oleh itu mengkhianati keinginan umat manusia secara keseluruhannya.
Walaupun terdapat berjuta-juta manusia masih lagi mengidentifikasikan diri dengan identiti kebangsaan, sifat patriotik ini adalah sebahagian besar sisa-sisa daripada kesedaran imperialis sebelumnya. Ia memperkuatkan perasaan anthropocentric untuk berada dalam kawalan, yang bersifat tipu dan destruktif untuk jaringan kehidupan yang luas ini.
Kebuntuan Lahad Datu mempunyai kebuntuan lebih besar
Dengan banyaknya sudah berita mengenai Lahad Datu di internet, saya tidak akan menambah lagi versi versi apa yang sebenarnya berlaku di Lahad Datu. Tetapi saya ingin menggunakan sudut lain untuk membicarakan tentang isu ini. Bagi pendapat saya, kebuntuan ini adalah satu lagi contoh sikap patriaki yang ingin berkuasa, mengawal dan mendominasikan. Tidak kira penjajahan dari zaman Kesultanan Brunei ke Kesultanan Sulu, lalu British dan kini Malaysia. Ini semua adalah dominasi yang melihat kumpulan dominan lelaki berkuasa ke atas subjeknya. Ideologi ini merujuk kepada struktur yang melahirkan dominasi dan eksploitasi ke atas yang lemah dan tidak berkuasa, perpecahan, ketidakpercayaan, dan keganasan. Dan inilah kuasa imperial yang bersifat patriaki mempengaruhi kelahiran Negara Bangsa yang ada sekarang.
Walaupun terdapat banyak spekulasi terhadap tuntutan Kesultanan Sulu ke atas Sabah, tetapi jika dilihat secara keseluruhan, ianya melibatkan tuntutan sebuah tanah yang kaya dengan sumber alam. Sekali lagi kita melihat dominasi terhadap alam yang juga memberi kesan terhadap manusia. Dominasi alam atau pertempuran alam ini secara langsung membawa maksud kepada dominasi manusia, kerana seperti saya katakan di atas alam dengan manusia adalah satu.
Dominasi alam ini menyebabkan kematian sia-sia terhadap manusia tidak kira dia orang Malaysia atau Filipina. Dominasi alam ini menyebabkan kebencian diantara kebanyakkan rakyat Malaysia dan Filipina. Dominasi alam ini menyebabkan kemanusiaan sekarang saling tidak mempercayai. Ini kerana, kewarganegaraan mereka telah dicipta oleh struktur patriaki yang membentuk sempadan tiruan. Suka atau tidak, kita semua adalah bumi, kerana sebagai manusia kita dilahirkan dari bumi, disuburkan oleh Bumi, disembuhkan oleh Bumi. Konsep ini tidak asing bagi orang asal seluruh dunia yang sangat interaktif dengan kesucian purba ini.
Dan pemisahan ini berlaku apabila terdapat falsafah rasional baru yang mengutuk atau menuduh bahawa manusia terjerat dalam ciptaan bumi duniawi, dan falsafah ini mendorong mereka untuk membuat perbezaan ke dalam makhluk yang berasingan, mempunyai autonomi dan diletakkan dibawah satu pemerintahan Tuhan patriaki dari langit. Dan Negara Bangsa juga memainkan peranan yang penting untuk mengubah mengubah masyarakat agama pada zaman pertengahan ke sistem sekular. Dengan kemunculan negeri-negeri autonomi, identiti manusia bertukar dari manusia satu dengan bumi, beralih kepada hamba, dan lalu menjadi subjek, dan akhirnya menjadi warganegara.
Berbaik-baik dengan kekeliruan
Tidak dapat dinafikan pergolakan dan huru-hara di negara kita sekarang. Ia semakin jelas bahawa banyak perkara yang telah jatuh dan terdedah. Seperti orang-orang yang diamanahkan dalam urus tadbir, di mana jutaan telah menanamkan kepercayaan yang begitu banyak, bersama dengan kuasa dan wang yang banyak. Pada masa yang sama, kuasa-kuasa lain yang melibatkan politik, ekonomi, sosial, dan bahkan agama juga mulai terlibat dalam kekacauan. Dan ini mencipta kekeliruan dan perpecahan yang lebih besar daripada apa yang sudah berlaku.
Kekeliruan dan kekecewaan yang dibuat semakin teruk dengan penafian-penafian yang diberikan kepada kita. Penafian ini adalah sengit dilindungi oleh mereka yang berkuasa. Inilah masanya untuk kita mempergunakan kekeliruan dan huru-hara ini untuk bangkit terhadap kebenaran yang menyakitkan akan apa yang berlaku di belakang tabir. Perpecahan yang berlaku disekeliling kita dan semakin ia terdedah, institusi utama akan cuba untuk memastikan ia tidak kelihatan manakala menawarkan bahawa keadaan semuanya terkawal. Ini merupakan helah yang kejam untuk melumpuhkan kreativi kita untuk berimaginasi.
Evolusi mempunyai dua ciri-ciri, pertama ialah keadaan huru hara yang menyakitkan dan kematian akan apa yang kita kenali, sayangi dan hargai. Dan keduanya ialah rasa bersemangat tetapi tidak jelas akan apa yang akan kita hadapi, atas jangkaan yang radikal dan mempunyai keterbukaan yang baru untuk masa depan. Dan pada saat ini, kita barada di antara ruang yang terbatas ditandai dengan campuran kekeliruan dan kreativiti.
Saya mencadangkan agar kita berbaik-baik dengan kekeliruan ini secara proaktif dan kreatif. Dan kita belajar untuk membiarkan pergi sekuriti lama tidak lagi berguna untuk kemunculan evolusi kita. Oleh itu, kita bebas untuk menjadi terbuka kepada yang baru, dan lebih mencabar dan berani dalam meneroka masa depan yang mana kehidupan telah menjemput kita.
Sebagai contoh, solidariti komuniti online yang menukar gambar ‘pray for Sabah’ menunjukkan bahawa ada yang inginkan keamanan.11 Tetapi harap-harap doa keamanan ini bukan sahaja di profile picture tetapi boleh dilanjutkan kepada aksi positif untuk bertindak seiring dengan tuntutan kemanusiaan. Seperti usaha rakyat Sabah yang prihatin bertindak untuk menggubal pestisyen “Sabahans Reject Sulu & Philippines Claim on Sabah”. Tindakan belia di #OccupyDPM dan #IdleNoMore untuk mengembalikan kuasa bersuara kepada bukan sahaja ahli politik tapi juga orang biasa. Kerana kegagalan untuk ramai yang bersuara secara konkrit (bukan di FB sahaja) adalah apa yang kurang dalam komuniti kita yang menyebabkan kita mempunyai kebergantungan yang sia-sia terhadap pada kepimpinan negara.
Mungkin boleh juga melakukan aksi aksi positif yang bertemakan keamanan, persahatan, kemanusiaan. Contohnya, mewujudkan FB page atau video projek dengan kawan-kawan Filipino.12 Mungkin boleh mengambil gambar dengan makcik, pakcik, migran dan post mesej keamanan dan kongsikan kepada komuniti online untuk mendorong yang lain juga berbuat sama. Sekarang bukan masanya untuk membenci, tapi menghulurkan tangan dan mencapai semua manusia. Terdapat satu perkongsian yang mengharukan oleh Christine Gamoza yang dilahirkan di Filipina dan membesar di Sabah.13 Seharusnya banyak lagi perkongsian ini diketengahkan untuk mendekatkan jurang identiti kita sebagai manusia.
Tarikan Masa Depan
Dengan insiden ini, ramai yang kini sedar bahawa kita juga tidak bebas dari sempadan konflik bersenjata. Konflik yang mempunyai asal usul dari pemikiran ingin mendominasi, mengawal dan memecah belahkan. Dan apabila ramai yang bising akan pencerobohan ini, mengapa diam atas pencerobohan minda rakyat dengan media berat sebelah. Mengapa diam apabila rakyat dipukul dan mati didalam penjara. Mengapa diam terhadap pencerobohan tanah adat orang asal yang banyak berlaku di Sabah, Sarawak dan kaum Orang Asli.
Kita harus ingat bahawa kita juga mempunyai konflik dalaman. Salah satu contoh yang saya berikan di atas, melihat sahaja intelektual yang menyatakan bahawa hanya NGO inginkan orang terus tinggal di hutan. Ternyata selama 49 tahun, masih terdapat ketidafsefahaman antara pemikiran Malaysia Timur dan Barat. Pencerobohan dan rampasan sumber asli di Malaysia Timur melalui projek-projek bangunan mega jika diteruskan, ini membentuk asas bagi Sabah dan Sarawak, untuk membuat usaha hak penentuan diri dari Malaysia Barat.
Dari segi sosio-ekonomi, polisi-polisi yang berakar dalam sistem menyebabkan peminggiran bahagian Malaysia Timur. Hampir semua projek perindustrian dan pelaburan utama infrastruktur dan pembangunan pergi ke Malaysia Barat. Institusi politik dan pendidikan di Malaysia barat menerima tumpuan besar, pendidikan yang membunuh pengetahuan asal, bahasa ibunda dan sejarah orang asal. Permintaan Malaysia Timur untuk perlindungan terhadap dominasi barat tidak dikembalikan, seperti perkara 18/20.
Kita sudah menjadi biasa dengan wang politik, propaganda, yang mempunyai asal usul patriaki, dan dengan kebetulan pula negara kita juga kekurangan pemimpin wanita, jika ada pun sudah didoktrinasikan oleh sifat patriaki yang menjatuhkan. Aspirasi dan kepentingan rakyat Malaysia Timur yang tidak diutamakan. Nilai nationalisme dan integrasi kebangsaan telah disamakan dengan pengIslaman, yang mempunyai satu bahasa dan satu agama. Bahasa Malaysia menjadi bahasa rasmi bagi semua aktiviti kerajaan, di mana orang asal sudah hilang identiti dan bahasa ibunda dianggap mundur.
Kita sudah menjadi biasa dengan wang politik, propaganda, yang mempunyai asal usul patriaki, dan dengan kebetulan pula negara kita juga kekurangan pemimpin wanita, jika ada pun sudah didoktrinasikan oleh sifat patriaki yang menjatuhkan. Aspirasi dan kepentingan rakyat Malaysia Timur yang tidak diutamakan. Nilai nasionalisme dan integrasi kebangsaan telah disamakan dengan pengIslaman, yang mempunyai satu bahasa dan satu agama. Bahasa Malaysia menjadi bahasa rasmi bagi semua aktiviti kerajaan, di mana orang asal sudah hilang identiti dan bahasa ibunda dianggap mundur.
Mengambil kira pencabulan yang berulang terhadap prinsip-prinsip demokrasi ini, serta terdapat sejarah panjang penindasan dan peminggiran sosio-ekonomi, politik dan budaya. Alasan ini jelas dan mampu untuk Malaysia Timur membuat tuntutan untuk penentuan sendiri. Seperti yang dinyatakan dalam Artikel 3 UNDRIP menyatakan bahawa Orang Asal (Indigenous People) mempunyai hak penentuan diri (Self-Determination), ini bermaksud orang asal ada hak untuk bebas menentukan status politik mereka dan bebas mengejar pembagunan ekonomi, sosial dan budaya mereka. Dan Artikel 4 yang mengatakan bahawa orang asal mempunyai hak ke atas pemerintahan sendiri.
Saya tidak menggolongkan bahawa kemodenan itu satu kesilapan, tapi akan mengadvokasikan pengembalian bentuk identiti politik dan sosial yang lokal dan mempunyai kesatuan kemanusiaan dengan alam yang lebih bersifat matriaki. Masyarakat matriaki tidak ganas seperti masyarakat patriaki, dan mempunyai kasih kepada bumi sebagai mother nature, kerana masyarakat ini tahu ibu yang memberi kehidupan di dunia.
Akhirnya, sejarah ditulis oleh pemenang, tidak kiralah semasa Kesultanan Brunei, Kesultanan Sulu, British, Malaysia. Sejarah mereka mungkin agung dan bergaya, tetapi siapakah yang akan menulis sejarah majoriti yang hidup di bawah mereka. Dan sedangkan sejarah 16 September 1963 juga kita tidak tahu sama ada benar-benarkah suara seluruh Sabah Sarawak didengar.
RUJUKAN:
1 [2012] 1 MLRA http://www.malaysianlawreview.com/sample/case11.pdf
2 Artikel 5 Perlembagaan Persekutuan
3 Artikel 13 Perlembagaan Persekutuan
4 Perkongsian sejarah pembinaan empangan Babagon oleh Puan Winnie Joannes
5Persatuan Dayak Iban Sarawak
6 Sabah Kinihttp://sabahkini.net/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=3964:empangan-kaiduan-syurga- malapetaka&catid=69:tanah-adat&Itemid=75
7 Rengah-Sarawak http://www.rengah-sarawak.net/news/land-rights-defender-jalen-to-be-freed-after-serving-12-years-sentence/
8 Rengah-Sarawak http://www.rengah-sarawak.net/news/leaked-samling-document-acknowledges-timber-groups-role-in-penan-rape-cases/
9 Rengah-Sarawak http://www.rengah-sarawak.net/news/the-headman-kelesau-naan-and-the-penan-of-long-kerong/
11 FB Pic Kolumpo (https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=438727256206631&set=a.398575070221850.94569.186363924776300&type=1&theater)
12 FB status Nadira Ilana
13 Christine’s Sharing https://www.facebook.com/christensen.gamoza/posts/4738549141950
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